Unification of Russian lands by Prince Oleg

For three years, Prince Oleg remained in Novgorod, and then, having recruited an army from the Varangians and the tribes of Chudi, Ilmen Slavs, Mary, Vesi, Krivichi, he moved south. First, he occupied Smolensk and put his husband there, then he moved to the land of the northerners and here, in Lyubech, he also planted his husband. Whether these tribes voluntarily submitted to Oleg or after resistance - the chronicle does not say. When Oleg reached Kiev, Askold and Dir were already reigning there. The chronicle says that Oleg cunningly summoned them from the city and killed them, and he himself took possession of Kiev and made it his capital, saying: "Behold, wake up with Russian hail."

The murder of Askold and Dir on the orders of Oleg. Engraving by F. A. Bruni. Before 1839

Prince Oleg built cities in order to keep the conquered peoples in his hands and protect them from the attacks of the nomads. They imposed a tribute on the Ilmenian Slavs, Krivichi and Merya. Novgorodians had to pay 300 hryvnias annually for the maintenance of the Varangian squad. After that, Oleg begins to expand the boundaries of his possessions, conquering the tribes that lived to the east and west of the Dnieper. In 883, the Drevlyans, who were at enmity with the glades, were conquered; tribute was imposed on them for the black marten from the dwelling. The northerners paid tribute to the Khazars; Prince Oleg told them: "I am an enemy of the Khazars, and not at all you" - and the northerners, apparently without resistance, agreed to pay tribute to him. Oleg sent the Radimichs to ask: "to whom are you giving tribute?" They answered: "Khazars". "Don't give to the Khazars, but give it to me," Oleg ordered to tell them, and the Radimichi began to pay tribute to him two shelyags from the ral, as the Khazars used to pay. Not all, however, the tribes obeyed so easily: according to the account of the chronicler, it took 20 years to conquer the Dulebs, Croats, Tivertsy, and Oleg did not manage to conquer them.

The campaign of Prince Oleg to Constantinople

In 907, Prince Oleg undertook a campaign against the Greeks, leaving Igor in Kiev. Oleg's army consisted of the Varangians, Ilmen Slavs, Chudi, Krivichi, Mary, Polyan, Northerners, Drevlyans, Radimichi, Croats, Dulebs and Tivertsy. They rode on horses and ships. According to the chronicle, there were 2,000 ships, and each ship had 40 people; but, of course, these figures cannot be given absolute significance. The chronicle adorns the story of this campaign with all sorts of legends. As the Russians approached Constantinople, the Greeks closed the harbor and locked the city. Prince Oleg went ashore and began to devastate the surroundings, destroy buildings and temples, torture, beat and throw residents into the sea; then ordered to put the boats on wheels and, with a fair wind, moved towards the city. The Greeks were frightened and asked not to destroy the city, agreeing to give whatever tribute Oleg wanted. Then they thought to get rid of Oleg with poison, but Oleg guessed and did not accept the food and drinks sent to him by the Greeks.

The fleet of Prince Oleg goes to Constantinople along the Dnieper River. Engraving by F. A. Bruni. Before 1839

After that, negotiations began. Prince Oleg sent ambassadors Karl, Farlof, Velmud, Rulav and Stemir to the emperor, who demanded 12 hryvnias for a ship and orders for the cities of Kiev, Chernigov, Pereyaslav, Polotsk, Rostov, Lyubech and others, since Oleg's men were sitting in these cities. The Russian ambassadors demanded, then, that Russia, coming to Tsar-Grad, could take as much food as it wanted, wash in the baths, for the return trip to stock anchors, ropes, sails, etc. from the Greek tsar. The Byzantine emperor accepted these conditions with some changes: Russians who did not come to trade do not take months; the prince must forbid the Russians to plunder the Greek villages; in Constantinople, Russians can only live with St. Moms; the emperor sends an official to rewrite their names, and then the Russians take their months - first the people of Kiev, then the people of Chernigov, Pereyaslavl, etc .; they must enter the city without weapons, in an amount of no more than 50 people, accompanied by an imperial official, and then they can trade duty-free. Emperors Leo and Alexander kissed the cross at the conclusion of this treaty, while Oleg and the men swore, according to Russian custom, with their weapons, their god Perun and the animal god Volos. The chronicle further reports that Oleg, returning home, ordered the Russians to sew silk sails, and the Slavs - linen sails, and that the soldiers, as a sign of victory, hung their shields on the gates of the Tsar-Grad. Prince Oleg returned to Kiev with gold, expensive fabrics, vegetables, wines and all kinds of ornamentation. The people marveled at him and called him "prophetic", that is, a magician, a sorcerer: "there are people who are trash and not voiced," the chronicler concludes.

Prince Oleg nails his shield to the gates of Constantinople. Engraving by F. Bruni, 1839

Agreement between Oleg and the Greeks in 911

In 911, Prince Oleg sent his husbands to Constantinople to approve the agreement concluded after the campaign. Five husbands were sent, who were present at the conclusion of the first contract, and, in addition, nine more: Inegeld, Gudy, Rwald, Karn, Freelav, Ruar, Aktevu, Truan, Bidulfost - names that mostly sound not in Slavic and show that the squad then consisted of the majority of the Varangians-Scandinavians. The ambassadors, on behalf of Oleg, other princes, boyars and the entire Russian land, concluded the following agreement with the Byzantine emperor: when examining a case of a crime, one must rely on accurate testimony; if anyone suspects a testimony, he must swear by the rites of his faith that it is false; for a false oath, execution is due. If a Rusyn kills a Christian (i.e. a Greek) or vice versa, then the killer (if caught) must be killed at the place where he committed the murder; if he runs away and leaves the property, then, after the separation of the part from it, the next according to the law, to his wife, everything else goes to the relatives of the murdered; if the escaped person does not leave his property, then he is considered on trial until he is caught and executed by death. For a blow with a sword or something else, the culprit, according to Russian law, pays 5 liters of silver; if he is not able to pay all this amount, then he must contribute as much as he can, then take off the dress in which he walks, and swear, according to the rituals of his faith, that he has no one to pay for it; then the claim is terminated. If a Rusyn steals from a Christian or vice versa, and the thief is caught on the spot, then the owner of the stolen, in case of resistance from the thief, can kill him with impunity; if the thief gives himself up without resistance, then he should be tied up and taken from him three times for the stolen. If one of the Russians or Christians begins to torment someone, trying to find out where the property is, and takes something by violence, he must pay for it three times. If a Greek ship is thrown into a foreign land, and the Russians happen there, they must guard the ship with the cargo, send it to Christian land, escort it through every terrible place until it reaches a safe place; if the ship runs aground or is delayed by opposite winds, the Russians must help the rowers to escort it into the Greek land if it is close; if this misfortune happens near Russian land, then the ship is taken to the last one, the cargo is sold and the entire proceeds are brought to Constantinople, when the Russians go there for trade or with the embassy; if someone is killed or nailed on the ship, or something is lost, then the perpetrators are subject to the above punishment. If a Russian or a Greek happens to be in any country where there are slaves from Russians or Greeks, then he must ransom them and deliver them to their country, where the ransom amount will be paid to him; prisoners of war also return to their homeland, and the captive receives the usual price of a slave. Russians can voluntarily enter the service of the Greek emperor. If Russian slaves are brought to the Greeks for sale or vice versa, then they are sold for 20 gold pieces and released to their homeland. If a slave is stolen from Russia, he leaves or is taken away by force, and his master complains, and the complaint is confirmed by the slave himself, then the latter returns to Russia; Russian guests (merchants) who have lost a slave can look for him and take him back; whoever does not allow himself to be searched, thereby loses the case. If someone from the Russians who are in the service of the Byzantine emperor dies without disposing of his property, then it is sent to his relatives in Russia; if he does, then it goes to the one to whom it is bequeathed, and the heir receives the property from fellow countrymen who go to Greece. If the person who undertakes to deliver the property conceals it or does not return with it to Russia, then, at the complaint of the Russians, it can be forcibly returned to the fatherland [Prof. MF Vladimirsky-Budanov interprets this article differently: if the criminal escapes, avoiding punishment, from Russia to Greece, then let him be returned; when, in this case, Russia makes a complaint to the Greek government, then the latter must seize it and return by force to Russia. In the annals, this place is conveyed as follows: "If the villain returns to Russia, let Russia be granted to the Christian kingdom, and it will be such and returned not even to Russia." We adhered to the translation of S. M. Soloviev.]. This is exactly what the Russians should do about the Greeks. After the conclusion of the treaty, the Byzantine emperor endowed the Russian ambassadors with gold, clothing, fabrics and, according to custom, assigned them husbands, who took them to churches, showed them their riches and expounded the teachings of Christ's faith. Then the ambassadors were sent home, where they returned in 912.

In the autumn of the same year, according to the legend of the chronicle, Prince Oleg died and was buried in Kiev on Shchekovitsa ("P. S. R. Let.", I, 16). The place of Oleg's burial is recorded in the chronicle according to a legend that is not entirely reliable; There is another legend according to which Oleg died during a campaign to the north and was buried in Ladoga (Archangel years, pp. 10-11). A well-known legend in the annals is associated with the death of Prince Oleg, which served as a motive for Pushkin's poem: "The Song of the Prophetic Oleg". According to the account of the chronicler, Oleg reigned for 33 years, from 879 (the year of Rurik's death) to 912; but the chronology of the first pages of the initial chronicle is extremely confused and imprecise.

Prince Oleg at the horse bones. Painting by V. Vasnetsov, 1899

Literature about Prince Oleg

For a critical assessment of the chronicle information about Oleg, see Solovyov, Ilovaisky and Bestuzhev-Ryumin. The treaties of the Russian princes with the Greeks gave rise to an extensive literature, which is indicated by MF Vladimirsky-Budanov, in the "Reader on the History of Russian Law" (issue 1). Opinions of Evers and V.I.Sergeevich regarding the significance of these treaties - see Igor Rurikovich.

Based on materials from the Brockhaus-Efron Encyclopedia

CONTRACT OF 907.

In 907, the Byzantine emperors “made peace with Oleg, pledged to pay tribute and swore allegiance to each other: they themselves kissed the cross, and Oleg and his men were taken to swear oath according to the Russian law, and they swore by their weapons, and Perun, their god, and Volos, god cattle, and established peace. " This passage says that Oleg's state had its own laws according to which people lived, Russia was still a pagan country, so both the Russians and the Byzantines had their own text of this treaty, most likely it was drawn up in the form of a hrisovul. Imperial award, where some specific conditions were stipulated, as evidenced by traces of documentary passages traced in the "Tale of Bygone Years" and marked in 907.

In fact, this treaty was a political interstate agreement that regulated the main issues of relations between the two states, peaceful relations between countries, the payment of the annual monetary tribute to Rus, and the exemption of Russian merchants from trade duties in the capital markets of Byzantium. This treaty regulated the entire range of relations between the subjects of Russia and Byzantium, which both states desperately needed.

Russia entered the international arena with confident steps. She declared herself as a serious, independent force pursuing its foreign policy. For some time, peace was established between the two states.

After the treaty of 907 concluded between Russia and Byzantium, there was a pause of four years in relations between the two states, in any case, this is how it looks according to the Tale of Bygone Years. And the historians who wrote on this topic unanimously agreed that between the events of 907 and the subsequent mention of chronicles between Russia and Byzantium, no remarkable phenomena occurred.

911 CONTRACT

In 911, Oleg decided to send his ambassadors to Constantinople so that they could sign a written agreement.

"We are from the Russian race, Karl, Ingelot, Farlov, Veremid, Rulav, Gudy, Rwald, Karn, Flelav, Ruar, Aktutruyan, Lidulfost, Stemid, sent by Oleg, the Grand Duke of Russia and all who are under his hand by the Light Boyars to you, Leo , Alexander and Constantine "(brother and son of the first)" to the Great Greek Kings, to keep and to notify from many years the former love between Christians and Russia, by the will of our Princes and all who are under Oleg's hand, the following chapters are no longer verbal, as before , but they confirmed this love in writing and swore it according to the Russian law with their weapons.

1. First word, let us make peace with you, Greeks! Yes, we love each other with all our hearts and we will not let anyone of those who are under the hand of our Bright Princes offend you; but let us sweat as much as we can, always and immutably observe this friendship! Likewise, you Greeks, may you always keep your love motionless for our Light Princes of Russia and all that exist under the hand of Light Oleg. In the case of crime and guilt, yes, we do this:

II. Guilt is proven by evidence; and when there are no witnesses, then not the plaintiff, but the defendant swears - and each one swears according to his Faith. "Mutual grievances and quarrels between the Greeks and the Russians in Constantinople forced, as one should think, the Emperors and Prince Oleg to include articles of criminal laws in the peace treaty of state.

III. "Whether a Rusin kills a Christian or a Christian Rusin, may he die at the scene of the crime. When the murderer is homeless and hides, then his estate should be given to the next of kin of the murdered man; but the murderer's wife does not lose her legal share. When the criminal leaves without leaving the estate, it is considered under judgment until they find him and execute him by death.

IV. Whoever strikes another with a sword or with what vessel, let him pay five liters of silver according to the Russian law; let the unimaginative pay what he can; let him take off the very clothes in which he walks, and let him swear by his Faith that neither neighbors nor friends want to redeem him out of guilt: then he is dismissed from further punishment.

V. When Rusin steals something from a Christian or a Christian from Rusin, and the one caught stealing wants to resist, the owner of the stolen thing can kill him without being subject to recovery, and will take his back; but he must only bind the thief, who surrenders himself into his hands without resistance. If Rusin or Christian, under the guise of a search, enters whose house and forcibly takes someone else's instead of his own, let him pay three times.

Vi. When the wind throws the Greek harmony to an alien land, where we, Russia, will happen, then we will guard it along with its load, send it to the Greek land and lead it through every terrible place to fearlessness. When she cannot return to her homeland for a storm or other obstacles, then we will help the rowers and bring the ladia to the nearest Russian pier. Goods, and everything that will be in the boat we saved, may be sold freely; and when our Ambassadors to the Tsar or guests go to Greece for a purchase, they will bring the Ladia there with honor and give intact what they received for its goods. If any of the Russians kills a person on this boat, or steals something, let the guilty accept the above-mentioned execution.

Vii. If there are Russians in Greece among the slaves bought by the Russians or Greeks in Russia, then they should be freed and taken for them what they cost the merchants, or the real, known price of the slaves: the prisoners will also be returned to the fatherland, and for each one may pay back 20 gold. But the Russian soldiers who come to serve the Tsar out of honor may, if they themselves want to, remain in the Greek land.

VIII. If the Russian slave leaves, is stolen, or taken away under the guise of a purchase, then the owner can look for and take him everywhere; and whoever opposes the search is considered guilty.

IX. When Rusin, serving the Christian Tsar, dies in Greece, without disposing of his inheritance, and there will be no relatives with him: then send his estate to Russia to his dear neighbors; and when he makes the order, then give the estate to the heir designated in the spiritual.

X. If between the merchants and other Russian people in Greece there are guilty ones and if they are demanded to their homeland for punishment, then the Christian Tsar must send these criminals to Russia, even if they did not want to return there.

Yes, so do the Russians in relation to the Greeks!

For the correct fulfillment of these conditions between us, Russia and the Greeks, we ordered them to write in cinnabar on two charters. The Greek King sealed them with his own hand, swore by the holy cross, the Inseparable Life-giving Trinity of one God, and gave a charter to our Lordship; and we, the Russian Ambassadors, gave him another and swore by our law, for ourselves and for all Russians, to fulfill the approved heads of peace and love between us, Russia and the Greeks. September in the 2nd week, in the 15th summer (that is, Indikta) from the creation of the world ... "

The subsequent analysis of the 911 agreement confirms the idea that we have before us an ordinary interstate agreement.

Firstly, this is evidenced by the characteristics of the partners participating in the negotiations: on the one hand, this is “Rus”, on the other, “Greeks”. The chronicler noted that Oleg sent his ambassadors to Constantinople "to build a row and lay peace" between Russia and Byzantium. These words clearly define the nature of the agreement: on the one hand, it is "peace", and on the other - "series". The treaty speaks of "retention" and "notification" of "former love" between the two states. The first article of the treaty, following the protocol part, is directly devoted to the general political plot: « First word, let us make peace with you, Greeks! Yes, we love each other with all our heart and we will not let anyone of those who are under the hand of our Bright Princes offend you; but let us sweat as much as we can, always and immutably observe this friendship ... " and then there is a text that says that both sides vow to keep the peace for years to come. This political commitment is formulated in separate chapters, one of which speaks of the promise of Russia to preserve this peace, and the other reflects the same commitment on the part of the Greeks. "Likewise, you Greeks, may you always keep the immovable love for our Light Princes of Russia ..." .This general political part is separated from subsequent articles devoted to specific topics of relations between the two states. At the same time, if in 907 the agreement was drawn up in the form of a hrisovul, then in 911 the Russians could insist on a different form of agreement - on an equal bilateral agreement.

On the other hand, the agreement was not only a peace and love agreement, but also a “side by side”. This "series" refers to specific topics of relations between two states (or their subjects) in the economic and political spheres.

The first article talks about ways of dealing with various atrocities and the penalties for them; the second - about responsibility for murder, and in particular about property liability; the third - about responsibility for willful beatings; the fourth - about responsibility for theft and the corresponding punishments; the fifth - about responsibility for robbery; sixth - on the procedure for helping merchants of both sides during their voyage with goods, assistance to shipwrecked; the seventh - about the procedure for the redemption of captured Russians and Greeks; eighth - about allied assistance to the Greeks from Russia and about the order of service in the imperial army; the ninth is about the practice of ransoming any other captives; tenth - about the order of return of the escaped or abducted servants; the eleventh - on the practice of inheriting the property of the deceased in Byzantium of the Russians; the twelfth - on the order of Russian trade in Byzantium (the article is lost); the thirteenth is about responsibility for a debt taken and about punishments for non-payment of debt.

Thus, a wide range of problems governing relations between the two states and their subjects, in the most vital and traditional spheres for them, are covered and regulated by specific articles, which comprise the words "row". It follows from all this that the Russian-Byzantine treaty of 911 was a completely independent interstate equal “mir-row”. The registration of this agreement took place in accordance with all the canons of the then diplomatic practice regarding the conclusion of an agreement between two equal sovereign states. This treaty was another step in the development of ancient Russian diplomacy.

The agreement was written in Greek and Slavic languages. Peaceful conditions were to be understood by both the Greeks and the Varangians: the former did not know the Norman language, but Slavic was known to both.

It should also be noted that among the names of the fourteen Nobles used by the Grand Duke to conclude peace conditions with the Greeks, there is not a single Slavic one. Only the Varangians, it seems, surrounded our first Sovereigns and used their power of attorney, participating in the affairs of government.

The Emperor, having endowed the Ambassadors with gold, precious clothes and fabrics, ordered to show them the beauty and wealth of the temples (which were stronger than mental proofs could present the greatness of the Christian God to the imagination of rude people) and with honor sent them to Kiev, where they gave an account to the Prince of the success of the embassy.

This treaty presents to us the Russians no longer as savage barbarians, but as people who know the sanctity of honor and people's solemn conditions; have their own laws approving personal security, property, inheritance rights, the force of wills; have internal and external trade.

Under the year 907, "The Tale of Bygone Years" reported that the Kiev prince Oleg undertook a campaign against Constantinople. Leaving the young Prince Igor in Kiev, Oleg gathered the Varangians, Novgorod Slovens, Krivichs, Drevlyans, Radimichs, Polyans, Northerners, Vyatichs, Croats, Dulebs, Tivertsians, as well as Chud and Meru - "all the name is shit ... Great Skuf" -guided them to Byzantium. Oleg went on two thousand ships; the cavalry, as we know, moved along the coast.

The Greeks, having learned in advance about the approach of the Russian army, closed the harbor with a chain and locked themselves in Constantinople, and the Russians, having come ashore, began to "fight" the urban district, burned churches, robbed "chambers", captured people, did a lot of evil to the Greeks. " "How great is it to create." And then Oleg ordered his warriors to make wheels and put boats on them. With a favorable wind, unfolding the sails, the Russian boats moved on wheels to the walls of Constantinople. The Greeks were horrified and asked for peace. Their ambassadors, appearing in Oleg's camp, implored: "Do not ruin the city, we have a tribute, as you do." The hostilities were suspended, and peace negotiations began, ending in the new Russian-Byzantine treaty of 907.

Actually, this is where the story of the second campaign of the Russian army against Constantinople could have ended, if not for one significant circumstance. The treaty that followed it was so large-scale, so much did not fit into the idea of \u200b\u200b"barbarian" Russia, which for many decades was cultivated by Normanists, domestic and Western, that the shadow of falsification immediately fell on this largest military foreign policy and diplomatic action of the ancient Russians. And quite rightly noted the Frenchwoman I. Sorlin: “The credibility of the treaties (meaning the subsequent Russian-Byzantine treaty of 911 - L. S.) can be called into question if the campaign itself, which preceded them, is only a legend ...

Legend, invention, compilation of the chronicler - these are the words with which the news about Oleg's campaign against the Greeks in 907 was assessed. And since the campaign is a legend, folklore, then what kind of real contracts can there be? The question of them should be closed once and for all and thereby deprive Ancient Rus of the right to an important page in its foreign policy history.

The nihilistic historians were especially haunted by the chronicle facts about the chain that closed the Golden Horn Bay, about the sails on wheels, about the mobilization of a huge army by Oleg, consisting of Russian and non-Russian tribes. "Fiction," wrote D. L. Schletser; “Legend,” said the Ukrainian historian M. S. Hrushevsky; fantasy, Oleg never existed, declared the Belgian A. Greguar; Oleg's campaign is an invention of the Russian chronicler, the Russian emigrant N. Bryancheninov echoed him; "Fake", - broadcast another emigrant, N. Baumgar-ten; English historian R. Dolley called Oleg's campaign “mythical”. This series can be continued. On what, then, did these opponents of the reliability of chronicle information base their views? In thousands it is "impossible". It is impossible that the Byzantine emperor Leo VI repeated the mistake of Michael III and left, like that in 860, the city defenseless in the face of the Russian invasion. It is impossible that, as before, the Greeks closed the bay with a chain. It was impossible for the Russian army to pass through the territory of Bulgaria, which had just signed peace with Byzantium in 904. It is impossible that some time after the campaign of the Russians, the enemies of Byzantium, they fought as part of the Greek troops against the Cretan Arabs. It is impossible for ships to move on dry land on wheels. Impossible, for there were no reasons for Oleg's campaign against Byzantium. It is impossible for the campaign to take place, because the Byzantine authors are silent about it. The influence of Bulgarian folklore, the mosaic of the text ”,“ the echo of Simeon's campaigns ”- and what is not yet. wrote about this by those who doubted or even denied the reliability of the chronicle information! But there were voices in defense of this certainty. Both domestic, including Soviet, and some foreign scientists believed that if the chronicler conjectured something, took something from folklore, then the main outline of events is quite benign. and she can be trusted. So, the Russian historian D. Ya-Samokvasov wrote that the movement of ships on wheels is a way of storming enemy fortresses widespread in antiquity, this is a typical case of a "movable fortress", especially since the Russians from time immemorial used rollers to drag ships over rapids and from rivers to rivers on the long river and lake path "from the Varangians to the Greeks." Such shelters protected the attacking arrows from the walls of the fortress.

The American historian R. Jenkins found a mention of this campaign in one of the Greek chronicles. Soviet historians believe that the information in the chronicle is legitimate, although they admit the legendary character of some of them.

And yet the main data "for" or "against" the campaign are in the chronicle itself. And it’s impossible, I think, to rip out of its text the very message that we mentioned above. Several questions can be posed to him. How does it logically follow from the narrative itself, how is it connected with the entire chronicle presentation? II How do the subsequent events correspond to the information about the campaign? It is with these questions that we turn to the chronicle and invite the reader to take a short scientific walk through its pages.

Let's start with the composition of the Russian army, with all this "Great Skoof" mentioned by the chronicler. Some historians considered this phrase to be a later insertion from another part of the chronicle, and if this is so, then the chronicler invented the composition of the Russian army and then there is no need to talk about some kind of campaign, about some kind of peace with Byzantium. But is it?

Indeed, a few pages higher in the annals, in the place where it is said about the settlement of the Slavic tribes, we are talking about the location of the Polyans, Drevlyans, Radimichs, northerners and other Russian tribes, and this information ends with the words: "Yes, that's a call from Grek the Great Skuf" ... Let us remember that after describing the composition of the Russian army, the chronicler also commemorates the "Great Skuf". And here is the conclusion: he transferred the first phrase below and received the composition of the Russian army.

Formally, of course, this is not excluded. The chronicler could have done it. But let's see if he needed to do it, if he needed such a transfer. It turns out not at all. It turns out that four more times in different places in the initial pages of the chronicle, its author lists the composition of the Russian tribes on various occasions. He could have used any of these enumerations to artificially reconstruct the composition of the Russian army. But the most important thing: the chronicler came to the information about the composition of Oleg's army after he spoke in great detail about Oleg's collection of Russian lands under the rule of Kiev. All whom he attracted under his banners are repeatedly mentioned in the annals before the events of 907. The first on this list are the Vikings. And we already know that it was they who were Oleg's combat assistants in his victorious movement down the Dnieper. They helped him to seize Smolensk, Lyubech, Kiev, with him were the Novgorod Slovenes, Krivichi, as well as those already dependent on Russia, everything, everything. All of them, except for weight, are mentioned under the year 907. It was the Varangians that Oleg ordered to pay from Novgorod three hundred hryvnias a year. By 907, they had become his permanent allies, perhaps the main organized force of his army, and it is clear that the Kiev prince led them with him to Constantinople.

As for the Russian tribes - Drevlyans, Radimichs, Krivichs, Northerners, Vyatichs, Croats, Dulebs, Tivertsy, Slovenes, Polyans, there are repeated information about them in the annals and up to 907 - about places of settlement, customs, language. And some of them are reported when, under what circumstances they were subordinated to Kiev. About the Drevlyans: "Pocha Oleg fought against the Derevlyans, and I will take a tribute to them." About northerners:<-.Иде Олегъ на северяне, и победи северяны, и възложц па нь дань легъку...» О радимичах: «Посла къ раднми-чемъ, рка: „Кому дань даете?" Они же реша (сказали):

"Kozarom". Irecheim Oleg; "Do not give kozarom, but give me ...". On the streets and tivertsi: "And with uzhi n te-vertsi is the name of the host." Indeed, Oleg gathered all his vassals, tributaries, allies on a distant campaign, and this is reflected in the chronicle record under 907.

The idea that Russia had no reason to march against Byzantium also does not stand up to criticism. Since. 8G0 "more than forty years have passed. A lot of water has flowed under the bridge since then. Michael III, Patriarch Photius, co-ruler of Michael, and then the autocratic emperor Basil the Macedonian, who seized (after the murder of Michael III) power in Byzantium, passed away; passed away and Russian leaders - presumably Askold and Dir, who concluded a treaty beneficial for Russia with the empire.Russia has since been plunged into a dynastic struggle, Askold and Dpr were killed, power passed to Oleg, who began a long and, presumably, a difficult struggle to subjugate the Russian tribes Kiev, and for this it was necessary to break their dependence on the Khazarins, overcome the resistance of the old enemy of Russia. Moreover, Russia at that time experienced the invasion of the Hungarians and was forced to conclude a difficult peace with them. All this could not be ignored in Constantinople, and probably at some historical period Byzantium found it possible to stop paying the annual tribute to Russia. Perhaps the Greeks also constrained the rights of the Russian merchants to Byzantine their markets, as well as the rights of Bulgarian merchants. In any case, the issue of tribute and privileges to Russian merchants immediately arose as soon as the Russians and Greeks entered into negotiations in 907. It's just that such stories do not appear in diplomatic agreements; they reflect deep contradictions in relations between countries, and negotiations, treaties crown the resolution of these contradictions by military means. With a high degree of probability, it can be assumed that Oleg, having created a strong unified state, uniting the north and south of Russia, having recovered from the Hungarian invasion, tried to restore, and maybe even consolidate the conquests that were achieved after the victorious campaign 8 (30 years. foreign policy activity, and in this case, completed the internal political processes. The strengthened Old Russian state again broke out into the European space.

The traces of the recent campaign are literally scattered under the articles of the peaceful arrangement of the Russians with the Greeks in 907 and 911. They are full of the spirit of the recent confrontation.

“Let the Greeks make peace with you:\u003e, - says on behalf of Russia in the main part of the Russian-Byzantine agreement of 911. This phrase sums up the recent war and heralds peace.

And here are more traces.

Let us remember how colorfully the chronicle spread about the victorious march of the Russians through the Constantinople suburbs, about the capture of prisoners. In the 911 agreement, all this was reflected in the articles on the polonyans. One of them talks about the mutual release of Russian and Greek captives and their return to their countries, and the second is devoted to other cases of the appearance of captives in Russia from different countries. It directly speaks of the Christian prisoners, that is, the Greeks who came to Russia and returned to Byzantium. In the first of the mentioned articles there is a phrase that directly speaks about the hostilities of the parties. When? In all likelihood, in the recent past, since no less than fifty years separates it from the previous campaign known to us, and all the captives captured during the 860 campaign were hardly already alive. Here is the phrase: "If it will be from those Greeks from the army, so will it return to its country." It is about the capture of the Greeks by the Russians "from the rati", that is, during military operations. It seems that the chronicle story about how the Russians "imahu plennsh;" were transferred to the text of the treaty.

We can see a different trace in the composition of the Byzantine emperor Leo VI, who occupied the throne in Byzantium at the beginning of the 10th century, that is, during the campaign of the Russian army against Constantinople. In his treatise "Tactics:" he mentions the methods of attack by the "northern Scythians", as the Russians were called in Byzantium, and reports that they usually use small oared ships, since they are not able to go along the rivers to the Black Sea on large ships. Where and when could Leo VI see or learn about the methods of movement of the Russian army? Of course, information about their past campaigns, including the campaign of 860, could have reached him. And yet there is more reason to believe that the royal author himself watched from the city walls the appearance of the “northern Scythians” on the sea approaches to the city, he himself saw their boats going to the fortress walls with a favorable wind.

At the end of the chronicle story, a fact is cited that aroused special delight among those who doubted the reliability of the chronicle messages: it says that after the establishment of the world, which is still to be discussed, Oleg, as a sign of victory, hung his shield on the gates of the city and only then went home : "And hang your shield at the gates of showing victory, and go away from Constantinople."

Nihilistic historians made fun of this, considering this message the most legendary in the whole story, along with the movement of boats on dry land under sail. But in general, there was nothing to laugh at. Many historians have noted that reports of this kind of symbolic acts repeatedly reach the pass from antiquity and do not represent any legend. So, the Bulgarian khan Tervel at the beginning of the 8th century, after the war with Byzantium and the conclusion of peace with it, hung his shield on the gates of one of the Byzantine fortresses. A few decades later, another Bulgarian ruler, Khan Krum, sought to stick a spear into the gates of Constantinople as a sign of victory over the Byzantines.

The custom of hanging your shield on the city gate as a sign of peace was widespread among the ancient Normans. Thus, the "legend" takes on real features and can be another confirmation of the authenticity of Oleg's campaign against Constantinople in 907.

Finally, the picture of the invasion, drawn by the chronicler and repeating, as it were, the pictures of other similar "barbaric" invasions of Byzantium by the same Russians, Bulgarians, Hungarians, is so common (the Russians behaved like "to create") that one does not trust in this part of the chronicle is also missing. This recurrence of events during such invasions is another argument in favor of the reliability of the campaign.

This is how we have to implement an approach, perhaps, to the main event in the history of Russian diplomacy in the 10th century - to the Russian-Byzantine treaty of 907.

And again it is surprising how well, as in 860, the moment for the attack was chosen.

The beginning of the 10th century was marked by internal strife in Byzantium. At the beginning of 907, when the Byzantine troops moved against the advancing Arabs, the head of the provincial Byzantine nobility, Andronicus Duca, revolted. He entered into relations with the Arabs. The ambitious commander was secretly supported by Patriarch Nikolai Mystic. Relations with Bulgaria were also troubled. Peace was concluded with her, but both sides were preparing to continue the struggle (in the midst of all these difficulties, the Russians attacked Constantinople).

This is not an accident. And again we have to talk about a well-organized intelligence service, about a thorough knowledge in Kiev of the internal and foreign policy situation in Byzantium. It was the surprise of the attack, the unpreparedness of the Greeks for war in the summer of 907 that ensured the rapid success of the Russian army. Unable to resist, the Greeks asked for peace.

The year 907 in the history of Rus was marked by the legendary campaign against Constantinople (or, as it was also called, Tsargrad), which was headed by Prince Oleg of Novgorod. This event is associated with a lot of speculation and doubts on the part of historians, many of whom do not believe in its authenticity for a number of reasons. In this article, we will tell you in detail about Oleg's campaign against Constantinople (summary), and we will try to figure out whether this event really happened the way the ancient Russian chronicles draw it.

Who is Prince Oleg?

Oleg was the prince of Novgorod and great from 882 to 912, which was the year of his death. After he received authority over the Novgorod land (which happened after the death of Rurik) as regent of the underage Igor, he captured ancient Kiev. It was this city at that time that was destined to become the capital and a symbol of the unification of the two main centers for the Slavs. That is why historians often regard him as the founder of the Old Russian state. And Oleg's subsequent campaign against Constantinople was the reason for them to be called "Prophetic".

Why was Oleg called the Prophetic?

As the "Tale of Bygone Years" tells us, Oleg's campaign against Constantinople took place in 907. The chronicle talks about how the city was besieged and taken, and the courage and sharp mind of the prince, who outwitted the Byzantines, is praised. According to this source, he refused to take the poisoned food from them, which is why he was nicknamed "Prophetic". People in Russia began to call Oleg that way, who defeated the Greeks. In turn, his name comes from Scandinavia, and when translated means "saint."

Hike to Constantinople

As mentioned above, the content of the campaign and the Russian-Byzantine war is described in the PVL (Tale of Bygone Years). These events ended with the signing of a peace treaty in 907. It became popular among the people thanks to these words: "Prophetic Oleg nailed his shield on the gates of Constantinople." But, nevertheless, this campaign is not mentioned in Greek sources, and, in general, it is not mentioned anywhere except in Russian legends and chronicles.

In addition, already in 911, the Russians signed a new document. Moreover, none of the historians doubts the authenticity of the conclusion of this agreement.

Byzantium and the Rus

It should be noted that after the Rus campaign against Constantinople in 860, Byzantine sources do not indicate any conflicts with them. However, there is a number of circumstantial evidence supporting the opposite. For example, the instruction of Emperor Leo IV already at the beginning of the 10th century contains information that the hostile "northern Scythians" use small ships sailing at high speed.

Oleg's hike on the "Tale of Bygone Years"

As the legend about Oleg's campaign says, Tsargrad was taken not only with the involvement of the Slavs, but also the Finno-Ugric tribes, which are listed in the ancient Russian written monument of the early 12th century - "The Tale of Bygone Years." According to the annals, some warriors traveled on horseback along the coast, while others - by sea with the help of two thousand ships. Moreover, each ship could accommodate more than thirty people. Historians are still hesitant about whether it is worth believing the "Tale of Bygone Years" and whether the data on the campaign indicated in the chronicle are true.

Legends in the description of the trip

The legend about Prince Oleg's campaign against Constantinople contains a large number of legends. For example, the narrative indicates that the ships moved on wheels on which they were put by Oleg. The Byzantines were frightened by the Russians heading to Constantinople and asked for peace. However, they carried the poisoned dishes, which the prince refused. Then the Greeks had no choice but to give their consent to what Oleg proposed. As the legend says, they had to pay 12 hryvnia to all the soldiers, as well as a separate amount to the princes in Kiev, Pereyaslavl, Chernigov, Rostov and other cities, except Novgorod. But the victories of the prince did not end there. In addition to a one-time payment, the Greeks of Byzantium had to pay the Rus a constant tribute, as well as agree to conclude an agreement (this is the very agreement signed in 907), which was supposed to regulate the conditions of stay, as well as the conduct of trade by Russian merchants in Greek cities. The parties made mutual vows. And Oleg, in turn, committed the same famous act that made him legendary, according to legends, in the eyes of the common people. He hung a shield on the gates of the Byzantine capital of Constantinople as a victorious symbol. The Greeks were ordered to sew sails for the Slavic army. The chronicles say that it was after Oleg's campaign against Constantinople in 907 was completed that the prince became popularly known as "Prophetic".

However, if the stories of the ancient Russian chronicler about the Rus raid on Constantinople in 860 are based only on Byzantine chronicles, then the story of this raid is based on information obtained from legends that were not recorded. Moreover, several plots coincide with similar ones from the Scandinavian sagas.

907 Treaty

What were the terms of the contract, and was it concluded? If you believe the "Tale of Bygone Years", then after the victorious actions of Prince Oleg in Constantinople, a document that was quite beneficial for Russia was signed with the Greeks. The purpose of its main provisions is considered to be the resumption of peaceful and good-neighborly relations between these peoples and states. The Byzantine government undertook to pay the Rus a certain amount of annual tribute (and its size is quite substantial), as well as to pay a one-time payment of indemnity - both in money and in things, gold, rare fabrics, etc. The agreement stipulated the above the size of the ransoms for each soldier and the size of the monthly allowance that the Greeks had to give to Russian merchants.

Information about Oleg's campaign from other sources

According to the Novgorod First Chronicle, a number of events took place in a different way. At the same time, the campaigns on Constantinople were made under the leadership of the "Prophetic" while being just a voivode. The chronicle describes Oleg's legendary campaigns to Constantinople in this way. The year is indicated as 920, and the dating of the next raid refers the events to 922. However, the description of the campaign in 920 in detail is similar to the description of Igor's campaign in 941, which is reflected in several documents.

The information contained in the Byzantine chronicles, written by Pseudo-Simeon at the end of the 10th century, provides information about the Rus. In one of the fragments, some historians see details that indicate the predictions of the wise men about the future death of Oleg, and in the personality of Rosa - the prince himself. Among popular scientific publications there is an opinion expressed by V. Nikolaev about the campaigns of the dews against the Greeks, made around 904. If you believe his constructions (about which there was no speech in the chronicles of Pseudo-Simeon), then the dew was defeated at Trikefalus from the Byzantine leader John Radin. And only a few managed to escape from the Greek weapons due to the enlightenment of their prince.

A. Kuzmin, while studying the text of the chronicle of the "Tale of Bygone Years" about the deeds of Oleg, suggested that the author used the texts of Bulgarian or Greek sources about the raids led by the prince. The chronicler quoted the phrases of the Greeks: "This is not Oleg, but Saint Demetrius, who was sent against us by God." Such words indicate, according to the researcher, at the time of the events in 904 - the Byzantines did not provide assistance to the Thessalonians. And the patron saint of the robbed city was considered Dimitri Thessaloniki. As a result, a large number of the inhabitants of Thessaloniki were massacred, and only a few of them were freed from Arab pirates. In these unclear in the context words of the Greeks about Demetrius, there could be indications of revenge from Saint Constantinople, who was indirectly guilty of such a fate of the population.

How do historians interpret the information of the chronicle?

As already mentioned above, information about the raid is contained only in the Russian chronicles, and in the Byzantine writings nothing is indicated on this score.

However, if you look at the textual part of the fragments of documents, which is given in the "Tale of Bygone Years", then we can say that all the same information about the 907 campaign is not completely fictional. The lack of data in Greek sources by some researchers is explained by the incorrect date to which the war is attributed in the "Tale of Bygone Years". There are a number of attempts to make its connection with the campaign of the Rus (Dromites) in 904, while the Greeks fought with the army of pirates, led by Leo of Tripoli. The theory that most resembles the truth belongs to the authorship of Boris Rybakov and According to their hypothesis, the information about the raid in 907 should be attributed to the events in 860. This war was replaced by information about unsuccessful campaigns under a leadership that was inspired by legends about the extraordinary liberation of the Christian population from pagan tribes.

Dating the hike

It is not known exactly when exactly Prince Oleg's campaign against Constantinople was made. The year to which these events are attributed (907) is conditional and appeared after the chroniclers made their own calculations. From the very beginning, the legends about the reign of the prince did not have an exact date, which is why later information was divided into stages that were attributed to the initial and final period of his reign.

In addition, the Tale of Bygone Years contains information about the relative dating of the raid. It contains information that what the sages predicted (the death of the prince) actually happened five years after the campaign against Constantinople was made. If Oleg died no later than 912 (this is evidenced by the data on the sacrifice in the works of Tatishchev, which were performed during the appearance of Halley, the legendary comet), then the author calculated everything correctly.

The value of Oleg's campaign against Constantinople

If the trip really happened, then it can be considered a significant event. The document, which was signed as a result of the campaign, should be regarded as defining the relationship between the Greeks and the Rus for the next decades. Subsequent historical events, one way or another, were associated with those raids that were made by Prince Oleg, regardless of their correct dating.

Russian-Byzantine war of 907
	Constantinople, Byzantium
	Victory of Kievan Rus
Opponents
Byzantine empire	Kievan Rus
Commanders
	Prophetic Oleg
Forces of the parties
Unknown	Unknown
Unknown	Unknown

Russian-Byzantine war of 907 - the legendary campaign of the ancient Russian prince Oleg to Constantinople.

The campaign is described in detail in the "Tale of Bygone Years" (early XII century) and ended with the signing of a peace treaty in 907. He is widely known in Russian society for the phrase: "Prophetic Oleg nailed his shield on the gates of Constantinople." However, this raid is not mentioned in any Byzantine or other source, except for the ancient Russian chronicles. In 911, a new Russian-Byzantine treaty was concluded, the reliability of which is not questioned.

Position of Byzantium

At the beginning of the 10th century, Byzantium was ruled by the emperor Leo VI the Philosopher, who came into conflict with the church hierarchs because of the 4th marriage. The main enemy of Byzantium during this period of time were the Saracens, who attacked Byzantine possessions in Asia Minor and made sea raids from the south. The most famous raid was the capture of the Greek city of Thessaloniki by the pirate Leo of Tripoli in July 904. The Byzantine fleet under the command of the Drungaria Imeria could not interfere with the Saracen flotilla, which consisted of only 54 ships.

Taking advantage of the weakness of the empire, in the same year 904, the Bulgarian king Simeon I took away part of the land from Byzantium, which bought off an annual tribute, regularly paying it until 913. In Europe, at the beginning of the 10th century, a new force appeared, the Hungarians, who settled in Pannonia, defeating the Slavic state of Great Moravia. Soon, European chronicles will be filled with reports of Hungarian raids on neighboring countries, but in the early 900s they posed a threat primarily to the Bulgarian kingdom, and Byzantine diplomacy tried to set them on Simeon I.

Although, after the raid on Constantinople in 860, Byzantine sources do not note any conflicts with the Rus, there is indirect evidence that the raids continued later. So in his military instruction (written about 905) in the chapter on naval battles, Emperor Leo VI noticed that the hostile people, "the so-called northern Scythians" (the naming of the Rus in the Byzantine tradition), use small fast ships, since they cannot otherwise get out of rivers in the Black Sea.

Of the events close in time to 907, the Byzantine chronicles celebrate the victory of their fleet over the Saracen in October 906. In 907 and the following years, there were no major battles or wars near Constantinople. The next battle took place in October 911 near Crete, in which the Byzantine fleet was defeated by the Saracens. 700 Rus fought for the Byzantines. In the summer of 913, the Bulgarian Tsar Simeon I made a victorious campaign under the walls of Constantinople, which ended in a peace treaty beneficial for the Bulgarians.

Oleg's hike on the "Tale of Bygone Years"

The Tale of Bygone Years, the earliest surviving ancient Russian chronicle (early 12th century), begins the story of the campaign against Constantinople by listing the Slavic and Finno-Ugric peoples and tribes that Oleg attracted to the campaign:

According to the chronicle, part of the army moved along the coast on horseback, the other along the sea on 2 thousand ships, each of which could hold 40 people. However, the text of the Novgorod Chronicle of the younger edition, which, according to the assumption of the historian Shakhmatov, contains in its original form a part of the earliest extant chronicle (the Initial Code), does not speak of 2 thousand ships, but of 100 or 200 ships (“ And Oleg will pay tribute to 100, 200 ships ..."). Historians avoid interpreting the vague phrase of the initial chronicler of the 11th century, but the figure of 2,000 ships is easily deduced from it by the later author of The Tale of Bygone Years (PVL). Otherwise, the author of the PVL follows the story of the Primary Code with a more precise indication of the dates. The round figure of 200 ships could be taken from a story about an earlier Rus raid on Constantinople in 860.

Then legends begin in the description of the campaign. Oleg put his ships on wheels and, with a favorable wind, set off across the field towards Constantinople. The frightened Greeks asked for peace, took out the poisoned wine and food, which Oleg did not accept. Then the Greeks agreed to Oleg's terms: to pay 12 hryvnia to each soldier, to make separate payments in favor of the princes of Kiev, Chernigov, Pereyaslavl, Polotsk, Rostov, Lyubech and other cities. Novgorod was not included in the list of cities. For PVL, the tribute is also indicated in 12 hryvnia " on the oarlock”, Which leaves no reward for equestrian participants in the campaign.

In addition to one-time payments, a permanent tribute was imposed on Byzantium and an agreement was concluded (treaty of 907) regulating the stay and trade of Russian merchants in Byzantium. After mutual oaths, Oleg hung a shield on the gates of Constantinople as a sign of victory, then ordered the Greeks to sew sails: for Russia from pavolok (gold-woven silk), to the Slavs from koprina (plain silk). According to the chronicle, upon returning to Kiev with a rich booty, the people called Oleg the Prophet.

Some analogy with sails made of precious fabrics can be traced in the Scandinavian saga about the future Norwegian king Olaf Tryggvason, recorded by the monk Odd at the end of the 12th century. Olaf served with Prince Vladimir in the 980s and made a trip to Byzantium, according to the baptismal saga. One of his military raids is described as follows: “ They say that after one great victory he turned home to Garda [Rus]; then they sailed with such great pomp and splendor that they had sails on their ships of precious materials, and so were their tents.»

If the ancient Russian chronicler talks about the campaign of Rus against Constantinople in 860 exclusively from Byzantine sources (Chronicle of Amartol), then the story of the campaign in 907 is based only on local oral legends, some of which are reflected in the Scandinavian sagas. Although the legends themselves may not correspond to historical reality, they indicate that the campaign was, although it apparently developed differently than the chronicle describes it.

907 Treaty

According to the PVL, after the victory, Oleg made peace in Constantinople on very favorable terms. Russians who came to the city were actually supported by the Byzantine authorities and did not pay duties. The agreement is retold in words, the formal procedural content is omitted.

In September 911 (according to PVL in 912 due to the beginning of the new year from March 1) a new agreement was concluded, the list of which is fully given in the chronicle. The content of the 907 treaty does not in any way intersect with the 911 treaty, with the exception of the names of the ambassadors, but almost literally reproduces a fragment from the Russian-Byzantine treaty of 944. The table below conveys the text of the 907 treaty in accordance with fragments from later Russian-Byzantine treaties.

907 Treaty	911, 944, 971 contracts
Participants: Karl, Farlaf, Vermuda, Rulav and Stemid (« ambassador to them in the city of Karl Farlof. Velmud. and stemid»)	911 Treaty Participants: Karl, Farlaf, Veremud, Rulav, Stemid and 10 more names. « We are from a Russian clan. carla. inegeld farlof. veremud. ruv. goads | road. carn. freelav. rual. aktev. truan. li | doul fost. stemid. others like messages from the olga grand duke roska and from all ilga sout under the rookie of his light and great prince. and his great boyars.»
When the Russians come, let them take as much as they want for the ambassadors; and if merchants come, let them take a monthly fee for 6 months: bread, wine, meat, fish and fruits. And let them arrange a bath for them - as much as they want [...] and trade as much as they need, without paying any fees ...	no compliance in contracts
When the Russians go home, let them take food, anchors, ropes, sails from the tsar for the journey, and what they need [...] If the Russians come not for trade, then let them not take their monthly; let the Russian prince, by his decree, forbid the Russians coming here to commit atrocities in the villages and in our country. Let the Russians who come here live near the church of St. Mammoth, and send them from our kingdom, and rewrite their names, then they will take the monthly due to them - first those who came from Kiev, then from Chernigov, and from Pereyaslavl, and from other cities ... And let them enter the city only through one gate, accompanied by the tsar's husband, without weapons, 50 people each ...	Treaty of 944 And those Russians who leave from here, let them take from us everything they need: food for the journey and what the boats need [...] If the Russians do not come for trade, then let them not take months. Let the prince punish his ambassadors and the Russians who come here so that they do not commit atrocities in the villages and in our country. And when they come, let them live near the church of St. Mammoth, and then we, the tsars, will send them to rewrite your names, and let the ambassadors take a month, and the merchants a month, first those who are from the city of Kiev, then from Chernigov, and from Pereyaslavl, and from other cities. Yes, they enter the city through only one gate, accompanied by the tsar's husband without weapons, about 50 people ...
Oleg and his husbands were taken to swear by the Russian law, and they swore by their weapons and Perun, their god, and Volos, the god of cattle, and established peace.	Treaty of 971 ... may [...] be cursed by the god in whom we believe - in Perun and Volos, the god of cattle, and may we be yellow as gold, and we will be whipped with our weapons.

Information about Oleg's campaign from other sources

The Novgorod First Chronicle of the younger version sets out the events differently, naming two campaigns against Byzantium Igor with his voivode Oleg, dating them 920 and 922:

At the same time, the campaign of 920 according to the description reproduces the well-documented campaign of Prince Igor in 941.

In the Byzantine chronicle of Pseudo-Simeon (the last third of the 10th century), the dew (Rus) is described:

In this fragment, some researchers are ready to see elements similar to the prediction of the impending death of Oleg by the Magi, and in the Rose itself, the Prophet Oleg. Popular literature widely cites the constructions of V.D. Nikolaev about the invasion of the Dromites by the Dromites on Byzantium in 904. The dews, according to Nikolayev (Pseudo-Simeon does not mention this), were defeated at Cape Trikefal by the Byzantine admiral John Radin, and only a part of them was saved from the "Greek fire" thanks to the inspiration of their leader.

AG Kuzmin, examining the text of the Tale of Bygone Years about Prince Oleg, suggested that the chronicler used Greek or Bulgarian sources about Oleg's campaign. The chronicler quotes the words of the Byzantines: “ This is not Oleg, but Saint Dmitry, sent against us by God. " These words may indicate the events of 904, when Constantinople did not help the city of Thessaloniki, whose patron was considered Demetrius of Thessaloniki, as a result of which the inhabitants of the city were massacred and only a part of them were bought from the hands of the Arab pirates. In an incomprehensible from the context phrase of the Byzantines about St. Dmitri could contain a hint of Dmitri's revenge on Constantinople, guilty of plundering Thessaloniki.

Interpretations

The trip is known exclusively from Russian sources, the Byzantine ones are silent about it. Only in the "History" of Leo the Deacon there is evidence of the reality not so much of the campaign as of the peace treaty: John Tzimiskes, during negotiations with Svyatoslav, reminds him, like Prince Igor, “ disdaining the oath pact", Attacked the Byzantine capital. Here, in the opinion of M. Ya. Syuzyumov and S. A. Ivanov, as well as A. A. Vasiliev, this means Oleg's agreement in 911, concluded after the march of 907 and known from the Tale of Bygone Years.

G. G. Litavrin found the agreement in such a way that he “ without military pressure from Russia was absolutely impossible". When the empire concluded a treaty with another country, the main copy of the treaty letter was drawn up on behalf of the emperor, then the same one in Greek, but on behalf of the ruler of another country, and this letter was already translated into the language of the people with whom the agreement was made. The well-known linguist, academician S.P. Obnorsky concluded that the text of the 911 treaty was just a translation, replete with Greekisms and violations of the requirements of Russian syntax.

Thus, the texts of the treaties included in the Tale of Bygone Years indicate that the campaign was not a complete fiction. Some historians are inclined to explain the silence of the Byzantine sources by the incorrect dating of the war in the Tale. There were attempts to connect it with the raid of the "Rus-Dromites" in 904, at the time when Byzantium was fighting the pirate Leo of Tripoli. The most likely hypothesis was put forward by B. A. Rybakov and L.N. Gumilyov: the description of the 907 campaign in the Tale actually refers to the war of 860, which was replaced by the message about the unsuccessful raid of Askold and Dir in 866, inspired by Byzantine legends about the miraculous deliverance of Christians from hostile pagans.

This is all the more likely that Russia from the beginning of the 10th century appears in Greek texts as an ally of Byzantium. Patriarch Nikolai Mystic (901-906 and 912-925) threatens Bulgaria with a Russian invasion, 700 Russian mercenaries took part in the unsuccessful Byzantine expedition to Crete in 911.

In his work dedicated to the Prophetic Oleg's campaign against Constantinople, the visa-scholar A.A.Vasiliev came to the conclusion that Oleg's raid was not a fiction of the ancient Russian chronicler, who, in the tradition of the Scandinavian heroic sagas, turned an ordinary predatory raid on Byzantine possessions into a landmark event.

Dating the hike

In addition to the question of whether Oleg's campaign, described in the Tale of Bygone Years, took place, there is a problem of dating such a campaign.

The date of 907 in the "Tale of Bygone Years" is conditional and arose as a result of complex calculations of chroniclers when the absolute and relative chronology of sources that had dates indicated in different eras were combined. Initially, the story about Oleg's reign had no dating, so later the story was divided into parts that gravitated towards the dates of the beginning and end of Oleg's reign.

According to A.G. Kuzmin, initially the information of the end of Oleg's reign was dated in the "Tale of Bygone Years" 6415 (907), but when compared with the date of the 911 contract, the dating was changed, therefore two chronicle articles appeared in which it was said about the campaign, the conclusion contract and Oleg's death. Thus, two contracts appeared in the chronicle (the text and its "retelling"). Thus, the events described in articles 907 and 912 were initially not dated in any way, but were related, as, for example, in the text of the Joachim Chronicle, which does not contain absolute dating and information about the death of the prince: "After that, Oleg possessed that whole country, conquered many peoples for himself, went to fight against the Greeks by sea and forced them to buy peace, returned with great honor and many riches."

According to indirect data, the campaign dates back to 904-909. The lower date, 904, is determined by the news of the allied dew-Dromites and the Arab attack on Thessalonica. The upper date, 909-910, is determined by the news of a reconnaissance campaign of the Russians in the Caspian Sea, which was followed by a campaign of 913. The Rus who made this campaign could not pass through the Black and Azov Seas to the Don without allied relations with Byzantium. The union of Russia and Byzantium by 909-910 is confirmed by the data of Constantine Porphyrogenitus (mid-10th century) on the participation of Russian auxiliary vessels in the Cretan expedition of 910.

At the same time, the "Tale of Bygone Years" also contains a relative dating of the campaign. The text says that the prediction of the Magi about the death of Oleg came true in the fifth year after his campaign against Constantinople. Oleg's "death" can be dated no later than July 912 (the sacrifice mentioned by V. N. Tatishchev when Halley's comet appeared), or this fall, indicated in the annals (time of polyudya). The campaign in 913 put an end to Oleg's career (he died or went north). Consequently, the campaign against Byzantium falls on 907-908, and the chronicler was not mistaken in his calculations. The fidelity of the relative date indicated in the legend is confirmed by another passage in the "Tale" - under the year 1071 it is said that a magician appeared in Kiev: "... He told people that in the fifth year the Dnieper will flow backwards and that the lands will begin to move." Apparently, the five-year period of the prophecy was usual for the Magi.

The dating of the campaign is also confirmed by the dynamics of Byzantine-Bulgarian relations. In 904, the Bulgarian king Simeon I made a campaign against Thessaloniki plundered by the Arabs, trying to expand his possessions. In 910-911 he is going to start a war with Byzantium, but he will start it only in 913. The Byzantines used the Rus fleet as one of the restraining factors in relation to the Bulgarians.