On September 11, 1973, a military coup was carried out in Chile, as a result of which the Popular Unity government was overthrown.

Three years before this event, on September 4, 1970, presidential elections were held in Chile, which was won by the candidate of the left bloc "Popular Unity" socialist Salvador Allende.

The new leader set himself the task of making Chile a socialist country. For this, the nationalization of private banks, copper mines and some industrial enterprises was carried out. Diplomatic relations were established with Cuba, China and other communist countries.

By September 1973, over 500 enterprises were in the public sector and under state control, which accounted for about 50% of the gross industrial output; the state owned 85% of the railway network. 3.5 thousand land holdings with a total area of \u200b\u200b5.4 million hectares were expropriated, which were distributed among landless and land-poor peasants. About 70% of foreign trade operations were under state control.

The civilian opposition sharply criticized the administration for its intention to go on the rails of a planned economy. A wave of terrorism and armed conflicts between left and right groups was growing in the country. In the wake of an unsuccessful attempted military coup in June 1973, a series of strikes took place under anti-government slogans.

On September 11, 1973, the armed forces, led by Allende's newly appointed new commander in chief Augusto Pinochet, staged a military coup.

The coup began in the early morning of September 11, when ships of the Chilean navy, participating in the joint Unides maneuvers with the US Navy, which took place off the coast of Chile, fired at the port and city of Valparaiso. The landing troops captured the city, the headquarters of the parties belonging to the People's Unity bloc, radio stations, a television center and a number of strategic facilities.

The radio stations broadcast a statement by the rebels about the coup and the creation of a military junta consisting of the commander of the ground forces, General Augusto Pinochet, the commander of the Navy, Admiral José Merino, the commander of the Air Force, General Gustavo Lee, and the acting director of the Carabinieri corps, General Cesar Mendoza.

The rebels began shelling and storming the presidential palace "La Moneda", which was protected by about 40 people. The assault was carried out with the participation of tanks and aircraft. La Moneda's defenders rejected the rebels' offer of surrender in exchange for permission to leave Chile without hindrance. The putschists seized the building of the presidential palace. Salvador Allende refused to resign as president and submit to the putschists. For a long time it was believed that he died in battle, but in 2011 a special forensic medical examination found out that the ex-President of Chile before the rebel soldiers broke into the presidential palace.

As a result of a coup in 1973, a military junta came to power. In accordance with the decree of the junta on December 17, 1974, General Augusto Pinochet Ugarte became president of the republic. He exercised executive power, and the junta as a whole exercised legislative power.

All left-wing political parties and trade unions were banned, and strikes were outlawed. In 1975, a law was passed allowing the closure of newspapers and radio stations whose messages could be regarded as "anti-patriotic". Elected local councils and local government bodies were abolished and replaced by officials appointed by the junta. The universities were purged and placed under military supervision.

According to official data, during the years of Pinochet's rule in Chile from 1973 to 1990, there were almost 1.2 thousand missing, and about 28 thousand people were tortured.

In 1991, a year after the end of the dictatorship, in Chile, which was collecting information about those killed or missing during the military rule. She reported 3197 dead and missing during the dictatorship.

Tens of thousands of Chileans went through prisons, about a million were in exile. One of the most famous and irrefutable examples of the brutality of the putschists was the assassination of the communist singer and composer Viktor Hara in 1973. As established by the investigation, within four days Haru at the stadium "Chile" (since 2003, the stadium has been named after Victor Hara), firing 34 bullets into it.

Chile Stadium and Sagnago National Stadium have been converted into concentration camps. All the killings committed during the 1973 military coup fell under the amnesty announced by Pinochet in 1979.

Augusto Pinochet ruled the country until 1990, after which he handed over power to the elected civilian president, Patricio Eylwin, remaining as commander of the army. On March 11, 1998, he resigned, taking the place of Senator for Life. After repeated attempts to bring Pinochet to trial in 2006, he was found guilty of two murders. On December 10, 2006, at the age of 91, the former dictator passed away at the Santiago Military Hospital. His death was marked by numerous demonstrations - both by his opponents and supporters.

In December 2012, the Chilean Court of Appeal ordered the arrest of seven retired military personnel involved in the murder of singer Victor Jara during the 1973 military coup. Previously responsible for the brutal crime was retired army lieutenant colonel Mario Manriquez, who led the concentration camp at the Chile stadium in Santiago.

The material was prepared on the basis of information from RIA Novosti and open sources

At one of the press conferences he was asked which idea is worth dying for. He said - "for the one without which it is not worth living."

The word "people", which he often used, was filled for him with a higher, almost religious meaning, behind which stood the eyes and faces of those to whom he treated with infinite respect and infinite tenderness, and he felt that his personal mission was to become an instrument , an instrument in achieving by millions of disadvantaged compatriots the right to education, culture, and human life. The power that he sought and for which he strove all his life was for him a means to achieve his greatest dream - building a society in Chile based on justice and respect for one's neighbor.

When he became president, many accused him of "bourgeoisness" and "reformism", demanding to speed up the revolutionary process and break with the "bourgeois constitution." His code of honor did not allow him to violate the constitution, which he had sworn to uphold and defend by taking the oath of office as president. When the first bullets flew in Santiago, many of yesterday's "revolutionaries" rushed to foreign embassies to seek political asylum. Allende was made from a different dough.

In the final months of his government, the country was in chaos. The CIA archives, declassified and published the year before last, confirmed everything that was already known. US intelligence agencies financed strikes that paralyzed the Chilean economy and organized a series of attacks and assassinations in the country. To destabilize the situation in the country, the United States transferred money to both the ultra-right and ultra-left. And Chile had its own Osamas ... So let no one be surprised 40 years later by the documents on the preparation of US attacks on Yugoslavia, Afghanistan and Iraq, and let no one be jarred by the old and hackneyed term "imperialism". Even North American war criminal Colin Powell said, in connection with his country's role in the Chilean events, that "the United States has absolutely nothing to be proud of in this story." All talk about "Soviet intervention" turned out to be a lie. Today we have at our disposal archives of documents of the KGB and Soviet military intelligence with an analysis of the Chilean situation and recommendations for the Central Committee. There was no Soviet intervention. Moreover, the Soviet Union refused a loan to Chile, which was requested by the Allende government in the face of falling world prices for copper (in those years, the main source of income for the Chilean state) and increasing economic pressure from the United States. In recent years, dozens of corrupt journalists, hoping for a good reward from the Pinochetist foundations, have scammed tons of documentation, but alas ... The Soviet Union in the early 70s was too busy improving relations with the United States, and the Chilean experiment, which did not fit so little into Soviet ideas about “ correct "socialist revolutions, was not at all a priority topic for the USSR. In addition, all the analytical departments of the Soviet special services agreed in their conclusions about the doom of the Popular Unity government, since there were no real mechanisms in Chile to defend its "democratic revolution".

Unfortunately, they turned out to be right.

The thousand days of Allende's reign will remain in the memory of many as the most difficult and happiest time of their lives. Many children from poor families for the first time received access to university education, the country's main wealth - copper - was returned to the country by the decree on nationalization, and all this was accompanied by an unprecedented surge in cultural life and the growth of national consciousness ... For the first time in the world, a socialist society was built in Chile, whose supporters won free democratic elections - and this happened without any kind of repression against dissidents and without a desire to establish a "dictatorship of the proletariat."

The Allende government was one of the few attempts in history to unite very diverse forces - from Marxist-Leninists to left-wing Christians and Social Democrats. In the government bloc of Popular Unity, there was anything but unity. If the Communist Party advocated a balanced and gradual approach to each step, knowing full well that the government has much less real levers of power than it seems, the leadership of Allende's own party, the Socialist Party, of which he himself was one of the founders, demanded that the government and the president accelerate and radicalize the revolutionary process ... The leaders of the socialists who delivered incendiary speeches alienated the prosperous middle strata from the process and provoked the military. The Left Revolutionary Movement (MIR), which had gone over into opposition, was engaged in self-seizure of enterprises and estates, thus trying to put pressure on Allende and force him to deviate from the constitutional path of reforms. The streets and squares of Santiago were becoming a battleground between far-right militants and student government supporters. As a result of sabotage on the one hand and the incompetence of government officials on the other, the country experienced constant difficulties in supplying food, and queues lined up everywhere.

The Chilean oligarchy and transnational corporations, for the first time feeling a real threat to their eternal privileges, in contrast to the supporters of the government, showed an enviable unity, and skillfully took advantage of each of the mistakes of the National Unity.

However, the popularity of his government grew. In the September 1970 presidential election, Allende received 36.6% of the vote. Two and a half years later, in March 1973, at the parliamentary elections, 43.9% of the votes were cast for the representatives of the Popular Unity parties. The opposition's plans for a peaceful, parliamentary overthrow of Allende failed, and a bet was made on a military putsch.

However, by mid-1973, the situation in the country had changed dramatically. Three years of sabotage and provocations, CIA intervention and divisions within the Popular Unity parties led to an atmosphere of chaos in Chile, and the government increasingly lost control over the situation. His social base began to shrink, and the pressure on him from within and from without increased. The political leaderships of the Popular Unity parties could not agree among themselves - and at the same time did not allow Allende to act on his own initiative. To get out of this situation, it became necessary to search for a compromise with the country's second political force - the center-right Christian Democratic Party. The Christian Democrats, led in those years by Patricio Aylwin, tried to impose an agreement from a position of strength, which implied the government's curtailment of the program of social transformation. To accept these conditions would mean surrender and abandonment of the goals of National Unity. His rejection meant opening the door to military intervention. In this situation, Allende, despite the resistance of a significant part of his supporters and, above all, the leadership of his own Socialist Party, makes a difficult decision. He is preparing to hold a nationwide plebiscite for a vote of confidence in his government and, in case of defeat, is going to resign and call early presidential elections. Tuesday, September 11, 1973 is chosen as the day of public announcement of this decision.

The defeat of the Government of Popular Unity at this plebiscite was the most likely outcome, but given the realities of that time, this was the only way out that allowed to disrupt the coup, and thereby save thousands of lives - and at the same time not give up their convictions, following the lead of Christian democracy. Having become president for and for the sake of his people, Allende could not and did not want to play with other people's lives.

On September 4, 1973, the largest demonstration in support of the government took place in front of the presidential palace of La Moneda. There were over a million people on it. The people came to say goodbye to their president.

He probably imagined this gray day on September 11 more than once. Low clouds made the approaching bombing of the presidential palace difficult. On air - military marches and the first decrees of the junta. “Given the deepest social and moral crisis the country is experiencing, Mr. President of Chile must immediately transfer his high powers to the representatives of the armed forces and carabinieri ... The army, navy, air force and the carabinieri corps are full of determination ...”. There will be no help. He, the democratically elected president of the Republic of Chile, the world's first democratically elected socialist president, is calm and focused.

The seat of the president is in the presidential palace. Together with him - several dozen close associates, young volunteers from the personal security of the "GAP" - "grupo de amigos personnel", the presidential guard and a group of investigators from the Ministry of Internal Affairs.

Eight more people from the GAP, the worst of whom is not even thirty, occupy positions in the building opposite - in the Ministry of Finance. They have light weapons and none of them have any military training. Against them - tanks and aircraft. When the first shots are fired, two of those eight will drop their weapons and fall into a state of limp stupor, which will be interrupted only by the control shots of the assault. The other six will fight, shooting at the advancing troops from the windows, and the generals-putschists will tell the world for years the fables that thousands of armed Cubans fought with them.

At these moments, hiding in one of the distant garrisons, Pinochet gives orders in his squeaky old woman's voice.

Allende declines the bulletproof vest offered to him because there are no vests for others.

People continue to arrive at the presidential palace, over which the presidential flag is hoisted, breaking through patrols and barriers. In his small 600 FIAT, Anibal Palma, who looks like a teenager, drives up, finds Allende in his office and tells him:

President, I heard on the radio that you said that all workers should be at their workplaces. Since I am unemployed now, I came here to ask that my workplace be here, next to you ...

Anibal, I knew you were coming, ”Allende replies, hugging him.

Education Minister Edgardo Henriquez approaches and informs the president that more than three hundred employees of his ministry have arrived at work, a few tens of meters from the palace and refuse to return home.

They say they decided to stay to show their loyalty to you, President.

Having struggled to cope with emotions, Allende replies:

Go with them, Don Edgardo, explain to them that I thank them very much, but they must not risk it ...

Passing through the corridors of La Moneda, Enriquez sees the journalist Augusto Olivares squatting, clumsily trying to assemble a machine gun. He walks over and sighs.

Our business is bad ... When a journalist assembles a machine gun himself, it means there is no one to protect him ...

One of the leaders of the socialists, Hernan del Canto, arrives in La Moneda on behalf of his party. Allende refuses to accept him. Waiting for the right moment, del Canto himself approaches him:

President, I came on behalf of the party leadership to ask you what to do, where should we be?

I don’t understand, ”Allende replies.

Del Canto stumbles over the question. Allende interrupts him irritably.

I know where I belong and what I must do. You have never been interested in my opinion before, why are you asking for it now? You, who have spoken and called so many, should know what to do for you. I knew what my duty was from the very beginning.

The phone rings. On the line - Admiral Patricio Carvajal, demanding to immediately connect him with the president. Allende is brought to the phone. Silently and calmly bending over the phone, he listens to the offer about the plane in case of surrender. When Carvajal finishes, Allende straightens sharply like a compressed spring and shouts into the tube:

What do you allow yourself, corrupt creatures! ... Stick your plane in your own train ...! You are talking to the President of Chile! And the president elected by the people does not give up! ..

Before the president there are three of his military adjutants, representing the three branches of the armed forces - the army, navy and aviation. Their positions are a symbol of the military's subordination to civilian authority. After a few seconds of silence, one of them decides:

President, could we talk to you? ...

I am listening to you, - Allende answers, looking into the eyes of the speaker.

President, let me convey to you the appeal of our department. The Air Force has prepared a DC-6 for you to fly wherever you command. Of course, together with your family ... and those whom you see fit to take.

President, - the adjutant from the fleet intervenes, - If you analyze the situation, you will agree that it is useless to resist aircraft, tanks and cannons. It makes no sense, President ...

President, - adds the adjutant from the army, - I think it is important that you consider that the military is united. This is a joint action. And knowing this, you must understand that any attempt to resist is pointless.

And there is one more information that I have just been informed, President, ”the aide-de-camp from the aviation interjects,“ the bombing of La Moneda is being prepared.

It's all? Allende asks.

The answer is silence. The President continues:

No, gentlemen, I will not give up. So tell your command that I will not leave here and surrender. This is my answer. I won't get out of here alive, even if they bomb La Moneda. And the last bullet will be here, - he points with the muzzle of a machine gun at his mouth.

Again tense silence.

No, the President, it can't be ... - one of them is trying to object. Allende interrupts him with a gesture.

The military adjutant asks:

What will you order us to do, President?

Get out of here, I can't guarantee your safety here. Return to your departments. That's an order.

In parting, Allende shakes hands with them and hugs one of them.

He was a free man and loved life more than anything else. The decision he made made him even more free. The putschists' proposal deeply offended him. To accept him meant to betray themselves and the people who believed in his project of democratic socialism. To accept this offer would be to transfer your moral authority to those who never had it.

9:15 am. He sits down in his chair and asks to connect him to the radio. He clears his throat to clear his voice and begins to speak with that deep sense of peace, which is possible only after overcoming the fear of death. He is 65 years old and this is his last speech:

“My friends, this is my last opportunity to address you. The Air Force bombed radio stations. Portales and Corporation. There is no bitterness in my words, there is only disappointment in them and they will become a moral punishment for those who broke their oath ... the Chilean soldier, the commander of the military, the self-styled Admiral Merino, Senor Mendoza - the general-lackey, who yesterday swore loyalty to the government , and today appointed himself General Commander of the Carabinieri. In the face of all this, I have one thing left to say to the workers - I will not retire. Once at this crossroads of history, I will pay with my life for the loyalty of the people. And I am sure that the seeds that we have planted in the dignified consciousness of thousands and thousands of Chileans can no longer be destroyed.

They have strength. They can destroy us. But neither force nor crime can stop social processes. History belongs to us, and peoples make it.

Workers of my homeland! I thank you for the loyalty you have always shown, for the trust you have shown in a man who was only an expression of deep aspirations for justice and who, vowing to respect the constitution and the law, kept his word. At this crucial moment, the last time I can speak to you, I want you to learn from this lesson. Foreign capital, imperialism in alliance with the reactionary created the conditions under which the armed forces broke the tradition taught by Schneider and which was supported by Comandante Araya, victims of the same group of society that is sitting at home today and waiting for the hands of others to transfer power to it, so that and continue to protect their income and privileges.

I am addressing first of all to a simple woman of our land, to a peasant woman who believed in us, to a worker who worked harder, to a Chilean mother who knew about our care for her children.

I appeal to you, specialists of my homeland, specialists-patriots, those who continued to work despite the sabotage of the traitorous trade unions, class trade unions that defended privileges that in capitalist society exist only for a few.

I appeal to youth, to those who gave their enthusiasm and spirit of struggle with the song.

I appeal to a Chilean - to a worker, a peasant, an intellectual, to those who will still be persecuted ... because fascism has long been active in our country, organizing terrorist attacks, blowing up bridges, cutting off railway communications, destroying oil and gas pipelines, with complicit silence those whose duty it was to intervene and put an end to it. History will judge them.

The Magallanes radio station will probably be silenced too, and the calm metal of my voice will not reach you. It does not matter. You will still hear it. I will always be by your side. At least the memory of me will be the memory of a worthy person who was able to respond with loyalty to the loyalty of the working people.

The people must defend themselves, but must not sacrifice themselves. The people must not allow themselves to be destroyed, but must not allow themselves to be humiliated.

Working people of my homeland, I believe in Chile and its destiny. Other people will experience this dark and bitter hour, when treachery is torn to power. Know, then, that the day is not far off when the wide road will open again, along which the free man will walk in order to build a better society.

Long live Chile! Long live the people! Long live the working people!

These are my last words. And I am sure - my sacrifice will not be in vain. I am sure that it will become, at least, a moral lesson and punishment for treachery, cowardice and betrayal. "

When he stops talking, silence reigns in the palace.

It seemed that he had been preparing for this moment all his life. He was the most integral of us all and was in complete control of the situation. He remained the President of Chile, Inspector Seoane later recalled.

I sat opposite him. When I listened to him, I had a lump in my throat, I thought: "What a great, great man this is." I felt so delighted that I wanted to cry. The President was saying goodbye, and this goodbye was all his integrity and consistency. Before our eyes, he turned into a hero. When he finished, we all got up, and there was a long and dense silence. Then we all left his office with him, - recalls Dr. Arturo Chiron.

The president decides that only those who want to stay with him. It gives freedom of action to the presidential guard, which consisted of carabinieri. At this moment, he does not need paid defenders, neither positions nor ranks are important. The honor of staying with him in the palace is a matter of personal conscience and a sense of duty for everyone. The carabinieri leave, but the president orders them to leave their weapons to the defenders of the palace. Then Pinochet will talk about the "arsenals found in La Moneda."

With the same proposal, he turns to the special investigation team from the Ministry of Internal Affairs, which was responsible for his safety. Out of seventeen, sixteen decide to stay.

I stayed because it was my duty. I swore to defend the law, if necessary, even at the cost of my own life. How would I look my children in the eye if I didn't? - Investigator David Garrido said later.

No, we weren't heroes. We did not seek to sacrifice ourselves for the sake of a political ideal. We were civil servants, and we were very scared, but we understood that if we left our post, it would mean that we turned out to be worthless police officers, recalls the brigade commander Juan Seoane.

The attack on the palace begins. Tanks and helicopters begin to shoot at point-blank La Moneda

They gave me a machine gun. I remember that I took it in my hands and began to examine it, not knowing what to do with it. It was very heavy and I had no idea how to handle it. So, turning it in my hands, I left the machine on the floor, - recalls Dr. Arturo Chiron, the former Minister of Health.

At some point, Allende disappears from the field of view of the defenders of La Moneda. Arturo Chiron goes in search and finds him in one of the offices near the presidential office, lying on the floor and firing a machine gun through the window.

Dr. Chiron shouts at him, demanding that he stop firing and move to a safer place, but the President does not hear. Arturo Chiron recalls:

Then I crawled behind him and grabbing his legs began to drag him back, deep into the office. At first he tried to break free and swore at me, but then, recognizing me, he said: - Oh, it's you, Khironchik ... You see, everything turned out to be much more serious than we thought ...

Allende gathers everyone in one of the salons. After briefly analyzing the ongoing upheaval, he states:

Only those who want and can participate in the battle should stay here. Anyone who, for whatever reason, cannot - must immediately leave La Moneda. The only ones who have to stay are the members of my personal guard. Clear? I don't want martyrs. Listen carefully, I don’t want mu-ch-no-kov! Now I will ask for a ceasefire for a few minutes, and you will be allowed to leave.

Everyone is looking at him and at each other. Nobody moves.

Allende decides to try to convince at least the women. There are nine of them in the palace, among them are his two daughters: Isabel and Beatrice, who is eight months pregnant. Beatrice has had a very special relationship with her father from early childhood. They have always been so close, and this separation seems impossible to her.

Please do not complicate my situation, - urges-begs-orders Allende, - you have to leave and you have to do it right now, before the bombing begins. We've contacted Commander Badiola from the Ministry of Defense, and I will now ask for a ceasefire so you can leave.

Outside, they will kill us, President. Listen to the shooting, listen ... And between dying on the street or dying in La Moneda, I want to stay with you, President, ”says journalist Veronica Aumada, twenty-five years old, but her long black hair makes her younger than her age.

No, you will not die, outside or inside. You will live. And you, Veronica, remember that you must write about all this. This is your duty. They must fulfill their promise of a ceasefire. You will come out of there, and there will be a jeep waiting for you ..., - the President says this very seriously, in a tone that does not allow objections.

The President asks Dr. Chiron to help him convince Beatrice. He was once her medical faculty member and she always respected him greatly. Arturo Chiron tries to find all possible and impossible arguments:

Listen, Tati (short for Beatrice), you're going to be more of a hindrance here than a help. Think just a little and you will agree. You are eight months old ... you must take care of your son ... what are you to do here? Now we will be bombed, real bombs will fall here. We cannot take care of you. Please go away. Go with the rest of the women. Your father needs you to leave.

Beatrice continues to stare at him in silence.

Allende fits:

Tati, this time I'm not asking you. I order you. You must leave right now. You prevent me from doing what I have to. If you want to help me, you must leave immediately. I need to know that you and your sister are out of danger! This is my instruction to you - to get your sister out of here and get out of here with this little man who is inside you. Do you understand? ..

They look at each other for a long time. Then he gently hugs her, Beatrice's stomach does not allow him to hug her tighter. In her ear, he whispers another task to her: “We need to tell the world about what happened here. You must help with this, daughter. " There is no time left. Women run down the stairs and go out.

Beatrice, the beloved daughter of the president, never recovered from this day and committed suicide in 1976 in Cuba.

To get Marcia, assistant to the Deputy Minister of Internal Affairs, out of La Moneda, an excuse was invented - to send her to the garage for the car of one of the investigators. At that moment, the first plane flew over the palace, and the first rocket fell. It was 11:52 am. Everyone threw themselves on the floor. From more and more missiles, exploding in different parts of the palace, the whole building shuddered and did not allow to stay on its feet. The Horker journalist was completely pale and unable to think or act. Allende crawled up to him and patted him on the shoulder:

We're not scared, are we? the president said to his old close friend.

Scary ... no, President ... I was just a little scared ... and I was about to put it in my pants out of fright, ”he tries to joke with a braided tongue.

Investigator David Garrido in the second floor corridor hears the roar of an approaching aircraft at low level. He recalls:

Some children's war movie said that when a bomber flies over you, you have to count to three. We heard the whistle of a bomb that fell directly above us. The blast wave threw us into the middle of the staircase. When I tried to get up, I almost fell backwards. I looked at my shoes and saw that they were left without heels. The blast wave ripped them off.

The air attack continues without interruption. Air Force pilots flawlessly carry out the mission, dozens of missiles hit the target, forcing the defenders of La Moneda to rush through the corridors of the flaming palace in search of a breath of fresh air and escape from structures falling from above. The hellish rumble of ruptures, dust and smoke do not allow you to navigate in a constantly narrowing space. Then he manages to find one miraculously survived staircase and everyone sits on it in anticipation of death, a miracle that begins to seem already the same.

This is a real massacre, someone says.

What do we do?

We will burn everything here ...

What to do, President? ...

Allende crawls to the reception table and lies down under it, inviting her to follow him. Breathing is a little easier under the table. There he convinces three more of those present to leave the palace. His final mission is to save the lives of loved ones. With a white flag, they make their way to the exit, but they are greeted with bullets. They are coming back.

One of those present goes to the kitchen in search of water, opens the door and sees a dying Augusto Olivares squatting with a machine gun between his legs. Well-known journalist, friend and adviser to the president, director of the press department of National Television Augusto Olivares committed suicide. Allende walks up in silence and cannot handle the tears.

Please, honor his memory with a minute of silence, ”the president asks in a hollow voice.

New planes are diving on La Moneda. It becomes completely impossible to breathe. Allende decides:

All. Now we give up. We all leave. Warn everyone that we are all going out now. Leave all the weapons here ... Let's go out one by one ... First it comes out ...

And you, the President?

I'll be the last to go out, don't worry.

When everyone starts to descend the stairs, Allende returns to his office because "I have to take some paperwork." The last of those who came out hear his cry: "Allende does not give up!" and after that a short automatic burst sounds.

September is not everywhere autumn. It's spring in Chile. But not every spring is joy and bloom. Here is the time of pain and memory that time does not heal.

Every year, on September 11, we Chileans and non-Chileans living in this country go to the central cemetery of Santiago. First - to the memorial to the "missing" and the executed, and then - to the grave of Salvador Allende. There are not many of us, only a few thousand, because all these years the memory of this has been purposefully and constantly etched out of this country. Because the dictatorship was able to control here not only the thoughts, but also the feelings of millions of Chileans, who have forgotten how to look themselves in the heart and the other - in the eyes. Because man, in addition to high feelings and thoughts, is also inherent in animal fear, and 18 years of dictatorship in Chile turned out to be an exemplary lesson of fear, which most of the inhabitants of this country, unfortunately, learned very well. Because the Chilean flag on La Moneda, set on fire and burned by the coup rocket, is not a metaphor, but the reality of this country, which could no longer become what it was before 9/11.

Many of the participants in these events have become completely different. Some experts on incendiary revolutionary speeches, who accused Allende of bourgeois reformism and who saved their precious lives in foreign embassies on September 11, today became representatives and administrators of transnational corporations in Chile, and during such anniversaries they are not averse to speculating from the high rostrum about the mistakes of Popular Unity and repent of their sins. his own youth. Some others, having amassed start-up capital from global solidarity campaigns with Chile, started their own businesses and left the themes of the past behind. Other, once young ministers of the Allende government have returned to political power in the current government of Chile and are trying to convince us of the possibility of neoliberalism "with a human face", wearily resigned to the impossibility of the impossible. Please quote the last two words yourself.

Therefore, let us remember in these September days about the President of Chile, Salvador Allende, whose life went beyond any time, and whose death became a proof of his own impossibility. Because here in Chile, as Saramago said, the dead are alive and the living are dead. And the first spring flowers that fall today on the grave of Allende and our other fallen have always grown and grow along that very strange road that a free man will take to build a better society.

This day in history: (letters)

On September 11, 1973, in Chile, with the direct participation of the CIA, there was a military coup that brought the pro-American regime of General Augusto Pinochet to power. As a result of the coup, bloody terror was established in the country. Chilean President Salvador Allende and many thousands of communists, socialists and their supporters were killed.

1973 military coup in Chile

The coup d'état in Chile was carried out on September 11, 1973 by the army and the carabinieri corps. As a result of the coup, President Salvador Allende and the Popular Unity government were overthrown. The coup was prepared and carried out under the leadership and with the direct participation of the US CIA

Tactical Coup Targets

* The overthrow of the legally elected socialist president Salvador Allende, who could not be removed from power by non-military means.

* Cessation of the economic reforms carried out by the Government of the National Unity, in particular the agrarian reform and the nationalization of large-scale industry.

* Return of nationalized businesses to their former owners, including US corporations.

* Return of Chile to the control of TNCs, TNBs and their political structures.

* Armed defeat of the socialist movement influential in Chile, including the communists, socialists, and leftist Christian Democrats.

Strategic goal

As you know, the Cuban Revolution of 1959 and the subsequent activities of the Cuban communists led by Ernesto Che Guevara and Fidel Castro literally blew up Latin America. In almost all countries of the continent powerful armed revolutionary groups are emerging (some Brazilian Carlos Marigella and Argentine Mario Santucho are worth something!), Which break with the pro-Soviet, parliamentary-declarative com and social parties and set as their goal, not only the liberation of their countries from imperialist dependence and robbery of the corporate world (Western countries and Japan), but also a SOCIALIST REVOLUTION like the Leninist RSFSR and Kastrovskaya Cuba.

That is, for the world capitalist elite, there is a direct threat of the seizure of power by communist organizations, with the prospect of adding up their efforts to the South American anti-capitalist front, which, unlike the scanty Cuba, will no longer have difficulty organizing "... two, three, many Vietnam" ...

It should be remembered that by that time important shifts were outlined in the leadership of the CPC of China, leading to a reorientation of the Maoist line to the "Den Xiao Ping line," that is, to the unhurried restoration of capitalism. At the same time, since the beginning of the 70s in the USSR, the cultural and political processes for the preparation of "perestroika" have been accelerating, and the further strengthening of anti-Soviet pro-bourgeois groups in its control systems is under way. Even then, the USSR, having the world's best weapons and intelligence structures, did little to help the revolutionary communist groups in South America, and in fact surrendered the S. Allende regime to execution by global capital and its CIA.

In these conditions, Chile becomes a key link in the struggle for the coming world domination of the leading capitalist elites. S. Allende's victory opens a direct path to the possibility of proclaiming a socialist course, the coming to power of the communist guevarists (or Leninists), and the inevitable transformation of Chile into a second Cuba - into a huge high-mountain base of revolutionary partisans of the entire Latin American continent.

For example, already in November 1972 in Santiago de Chile, the founding meeting of the Council for Revolutionary Coordination (JCR) was held, which was attended by the Political Committee of the MIR (Chile), members of the MLN - T National Leadership (Uruguay) and three representatives of the Political Bureau of the PRT (Argentina). Miguel Henriquez, Secretary General of MIR, the main goal of the conference raised the issue of concretizing the form of an international organization, whose main goal would be an armed struggle for the establishment of socialism, following the example of the Cuban Revolution. It is possible that such meetings of the leadership of the communist guerrilla could not, despite all the secrecy, remain out of the CIA's field of vision.

The political leadership of global capital is deciding to severely suppress such prospects in Chile, regardless of the losses in the image of "good old capital".

Coup move

The military coup began on the night of September 10-11, 1973, on ships of the Chilean Navy, participating in joint Unides maneuvers with the US Navy, which took place off the coast of Chile. Several hundred (the exact number is still unknown) sailors and officers - supporters of National Unity - were shot, and their corpses were thrown into the sea. The mutiny also refused to support one of the captains of the warships, who was arrested and placed in a makeshift prison on the Kirikin Islands.

In the early morning of September 11, naval ships shelled the port and city of Valparaiso, then landed troops and captured the city.

At 6:30 am, the rebels launched an operation to capture the Chilean capital of Santiago. The television center and a number of strategic facilities were seized. Pro-American radio stations Agrikultura, Mineria and Balmacedo, owned by pro-American sponsors, broadcast a statement by the rebels about the coup and the creation of a military junta, consisting of Army Commander General Augusto Pinochet, Naval Commander Admiral José Merino, Air Force Commander General Gustavo Li and Acting Corps Director General Cesar Mendoza.

The radio stations "Portales" and "Corporation", which supported the Popular Unity, broadcast Allende's statements, were bombed by the Air Force. After that, the headquarters of the parties belonging to the National Unity were seized.

At 9:10 am Radio Magallanes, the last station in operation to support Allende, broadcast the president's last address to the Chilean people. Directly during the broadcast of the appeal, the radio station was subjected to aerial bombardment, and then captured by the rebels. All employees who were in the building of the radio station (according to various sources, from 46 to 70 people) were killed.

At 9:15 am, the rebels began shelling and storming the presidential palace "La Moneda", which was defended by about 40 people. The assault was carried out with the participation of tanks and aircraft. La Moneda's defenders rejected the rebels' offer of surrender in exchange for permission to leave Chile without hindrance. At 14:20 the building of the presidential palace was seized. President S. Allende died in battle (according to the version widespread later by the junta, he committed suicide).

Pockets of resistance in workers' districts and in universities were quickly suppressed, as the civilian supporters of Popular Unity were practically unarmed.

Officially, the state of "siege" introduced to carry out the coup persisted for a month after September 11. During this period, over 30 thousand people were killed in Chile. However, all the extrajudicial killings committed during the 1973 military coup fell under the amnesty announced by Pinochet in 1978. This amnesty law was not repealed after the so-called "fall of the dictatorship of A. Pinochet", and the Chilean courts do not consider claims from the victims of the 1973 coup. In 2004, the Commission on Political Prisoners and Torture, chaired by Sergio Valech, published a report in which it officially recognized the massive use of torture against prisoners.

A bit of the background of the coup.

It is well known that when the seizure of power by forces hostile to the world operators of global capital, as a rule, there is a drop in the economic indicators and capacities of a country that has left the "world market". And the point is not only in the sabotage of effective property owners and revolutionary devastation of one degree or another - the main thing is the former dependence of the liberated country on the commodity-financial system of imperialist centers. To understand the situation, it is enough to imagine what will happen to the economy of Russia in similar conditions, if it is freed overnight from the modern puppet regime.

Bourgeois propaganda shouted then, and is quietly rubbing in today, that it was Allende who brought Chile to economic collapse. So let's see how he "brought" it to that collapse.

Allende took the oath on November 4, 1970. The very next year, wages increased by 35%. In 1971 GNP grew by 8.5%. In 1972, the volume of construction increased by 3.5 times. If in 1970 unemployment was 8%, then in 1972 it fell to 4%. Free medicine and education were introduced.

Second, the economic crash happened later. But why did it happen? Throughout the fall of 1970, when it was already clear that Allende would win the elections, there was talk in the White House about the need to destroy the Chilean economy, destabilize the situation in that country and prepare a coup d'etat. At that time, Kissinger sent a telegram to the US Ambassador to Chile, which said: "If Allende comes to power, we will do everything to doom Chile and the Chileans to poverty." The White House was afraid of losing its influence in Latin America. Here the pro-socialist were popular, and the CIA at this time prepared an analysis of the consequences of Allende's coming to power, which said that after Allende's victory, a "chain reaction" could begin in other Latin American countries. Those. unrestricted US influence will be ended here.

Just two days after the oath of allegiance to Allende, a meeting of Nixon's entourage took place, in which it was finally decided to change the government in Chile. The planned operation consisted of two stages - the destruction of the Chilean economy and the liquidation of the Allende government.

US companies were involved in the destruction of the economy, since after the reign of the previous President of Chile Frey, the Chilean economy was dependent on them. Import from the USA played an important role in the economy. The US has sharply reduced it. US banks stopped giving Chile short-term loans. At the same time, the United States hit hard on the country, which is starting to get on its feet, when it knocked down the world prices for copper - the main Chilean export. The United States dumped large quantities of copper from its strategic reserves into the world market. In 1972 alone, the damage to Chile due to falling prices amounted to $ 200 million. At the same time, the CIA launched Operation Centaur to destroy the financial stability of the Chilean economy. In a short time, large numbers of fake escudos forged in the United States appeared in Chile, as a result of which the normal circulation of money in the country was destabilized. The results were not long in coming. In 1972, the growth of GNP dropped to 5%, and the situation of the inhabitants began to deteriorate. Using its connections with the bosses of trade unions of copper workers, the CIA in 1972-1973. organized a number of strikes, the damage from which amounted to $ 200-250 million. But the main damage was ideologically!

At the same time, the CIA had many "friends" in Chile. For example, the fascist organization "Patria and Libertad", which on September 5, 1970 after Allende's victory in the elections, marched through the streets of the capital with the slogans: "Alarm, Chilean! The Russians are at your doorstep." This organization grew out of a criminal gang led by Hitler fan Pablo Rodriguez. The CIA became interested in Rodriguez and made it possible for a terrorist organization to form. The CIA began to spawn more and more such organizations, and they played a large role in the destruction of the economy. For example, from the youth groups of the National Party, paramilitary units began to be created. Especially for this, the CIA created training camps in Chile, where future terrorists were trained.

Over time, all these groups and organizations managed to be concentrated - in 1972 the Chilean right-wing, ultra-right and fascist organizations merged into the Invisible Front. Soon after the 1973 parliamentary elections, in which Allende's party won despite a falling economy, Chile was flooded with terror. Since the spring of 1973, Chile has experienced an average of several dozen terrorist attacks per day. American mercenaries blew up bridges, railways, electrical substations, etc. Due to the power outage, industrial refrigerators stopped working, and by August Chile had lost half of the vegetables and fruits harvested. Because of the destroyed roads, the supply of food to the provinces was disrupted.

The cost of all destroyed facilities until September amounted to a third of Chile's annual budget. At the same time, strikes were further encouraged. Workers who did not want to go on strike were terrorized. So, when on June 8, 1973, workers at the El Teniente mine wanted to end the strikes, Patria and Libertad detachments arrived there and attacked buses with workers, blew up several installations for supplying water to the mine, destroyed the administration building and, seizing the local radio station, began to call people on the air to overthrow Allende. Also, the fascists from "Patria and Libertad" terrorized the small businessmen who supported Allende. They beat their windows, etc. Strikes by truck owners have played a large role in the economic paralysis. The CIA had good connections at the top of the trade unions. For example, V. Moreno, who had a criminal past, made a good career in trade unions. And now, with his help, the CIA organized and financed strikes of truck owners. This was a big blow, as 80% of the cargo in Chile was transported by trucks.

The atmosphere became really gloomy. The standard of living began to fall. For the money of the CIA and local oligarchs, declassed elements took to the streets, and, united with the groups of the Invisible Front, blocked the streets, killed the drivers who carried the necessary food to the working areas, set fire to the buildings of leftist organizations.

This is somewhat reminiscent of Yugoslavia, when NATO bombed cities and villages, and then European officials showed photographs of the same burning cities and villages, and said that this was the work of Milosevic.

One of the episodes of the coup

Then, in September 1973, there was a bloody putsch led by Pinochet. Nobody knows the exact number of victims of the putsch. Stadiums in Chile have turned into real concentration camps, where thousands of people were tortured and executed. This is an order of magnitude more than at the Krasnaya Presnya Stadium in Moscow in 1993 during the restoration of capitalism in Russia, when the junta of Boris Yeltsin staged a demonstrative massacre of local communists and patriots. No one knows the exact number of victims of repressions for the entire period of Pinochet's rule.

Here is a very revealing episode with the direct torturer of the famous singer V. Hara, showing where this incomprehensible cruelty of the Pinochet military came from.

Victor Lidio Jara Martinez (Spanish: Vctor Lidio Jara Martnez; September 28, 1932 - September 15, 1973) is a Chilean poet, theater director, singer and political activist who died during the 1973 military coup in Chile, organized by General Augusto Pinochet. His brutal murder at the Chile Stadium, converted into a concentration camp, a few days after the coup, made him a symbol of the struggle for freedom and justice throughout Latin America. For four days, they beat him, tortured him with electric shocks, broke his bones in his arms and, in the end, was shot. 34 bullets were fired into his body. He was 40 years old. According to some reports, Lieutenant Edwin Dimter Bianchi, nicknamed "Prince", became the direct executioner who tortured Victor and subsequently gave the order to shoot him. By the way, at the moment Edwin Dimter works as the head of the financial control department of the Association and Private Pension Funds of the Ministry of Labor of Chile. According to the 1979 amnesty, he is not in danger of responsibility for what he did.

Who is "Prince" Edwin Dimter?

Born to the family of a native of Germany in the south of Chile in the city of Valdivia. He is a distant relative of the current Chilean Ambassador to the United States, Andrés Bianchi Larre, and the famous musician-folklorist Vicente Bianchi. Comrades in the military academy called him "Mad Dimter" because of his unbalanced nature.

In 1970, as part of a group of 100 junior officers of the Chilean army, he trained in Panama at the infamous CIA-run School of the Americas, the premier training center for mercenaries and war criminals. In 1973, 3 months before the Pinochet coup, he participated in the failed coup against Allende, for which he was convicted and was in prison. When the military came to power, he made a good military career, but in 1976 for unknown reasons he left the armed forces and has been in the civil service since then. Acquired the civilian specialty "accountant-auditor". He does not maintain contacts with former colleagues. After the so-called return of democracy to Chile, he turned to the authorities as a "victim of the military repression", justifying his dismissal from the army on political persecution, and has since received monetary compensation as "a victim of dictatorship."

But one should not believe in the "return of democracy" in Latin America, as well as in any other democracy controlled by the capitalist elite - even in the countries of the former USSR, even in the very bastion of global capitalism - the EU and the United States. After the liquidation or weakening of the armed communist organizations of the "cone" countries, which aimed at seizing power and the transition to socialism, the world elite hypocritically exchanges its "fascist gorillas" for their own "democratic elect", using, in the main, "not painful" methods of dominance and government controlled countries, but under the guise of "non-violence and righteousness." After the liquidation of the USSR and the junta's outspoken fascist grin in October 1993, the "painlessness" of these democratic methods, Russian citizens can feel their own skin. Although the essence of these methods is precisely that gorging on this skin should not be noticed by its owner under democratic anesthesia of one kind or another.

Chilean resistance

After the overthrow of Allende, raids began on communists of all kinds, from revolutionary Leninists-guevarists to members of the pro-Soviet Communist Party of China (Luis Carvalan). In the conditions of total repression, only MIR manages to organize armed resistance to the Pinochet junta. While all Chileans were in shock from the horror inspired by the actions of the army students of the CIA, the head of the MIR Miguel Henriquez circulated the daring slogan throughout the country: "MIR did not surrender!" and sought to give impetus to the organization in Chile of armed resistance to the dictatorship.

Methodologically, MIR focuses on the Leninist practice of the Bolshevik revolution in Russia, trying to involve the people in armed action to organize a civil war against bourgeois mercenaries, clerks and executioners of global capitalism (imperialism). Miguel explained: “We stayed in Chile to reorganize the mass movement, to unite the entire Left and all sectors ready to fight the gorilla dictatorship, to prepare a protracted revolutionary war, through which the dictatorship would be defeated, to take power after the overthrow of the junta, to establish workers 'and peasants' fair government. "

The United States is spurring the actions of the Pinochet military to eliminate the remnants of "terrorist organizations." Already in 1974, with the help of the CIA and the FBI, a sinister Chilean secret service was created - the famous DINA. It included activists "Patria and Libertad", military intelligence officers, war criminals from Nazi Germany who settled in South America and other specialists who are able to torture anyone for dollars.

To destroy the structures of the WORLD, DINA created a special Caupolican department, while the Puren department dealt with the smaller leftist groups in Chile. The main method of reaching the MIR leadership was the torture inquiry of suspects in any connection with the organization. As a result, the punishers manage to reach the area where the secret apartment of the MIR leadership was located, where Miguel Henriquez (secretary general), Carmen (Miguel's pregnant wife), Umberto Sotomayor and Jose Bordas Paz (31-year-old head of the Central Forces, the armed wing of MIR) were hiding ... Fortunately, thanks to the strict observance of security measures, the special forces cannot catch the guevarists by surprise and a long-term assault begins.

Umberto Sotomayor and José Bordas Paz, under cover of the fire of Miguel Henriquez, manage to hide behind the backyards. (Unfortunately, Jose Bordas will be ambushed by CIFA on December 5 of the same year. Seriously wounded in a shootout, he will be placed in a military hospital and will die two days later, during which he will be subjected to inhuman torture).

Miguel Henriquez, firing several hours from more than 200 special forces, dies in battle (medical examination counted 10 bullet wounds). From that moment on, the intensity of the armed attacks of the MIR units on the police forces of the regime is significantly reduced, the remnants of its structure are gradually being destroyed, some of the people move abroad or go deep underground.

Along with MIR, a number of small organizations associated mainly with the Chilean Communist Party (CPC) are engaged in sabotage actions against the regime. But in the early 80s, another military structure of the CPC was created - the Patriotic Front named after Manuel Rodriguez (FPMR), which became the main instrument of the Communist Party during the first half of the eighties in the implementation of its "Policy of Mass Popular Uprising", which was supposed to cause long-term mobilization of the masses which, at its climax, will spill over into a National Uprising.

After some period of formation and preparation in the countries of Central America (Nicaragua) and Cuba, FPMR began active action, intensifying such moments in the armed resistance as hostage-taking (for example, the abduction of the deputy director of the LaNacion publication Sebastiano Bertolone Galetti), explosions of cars filled with explosives , the elimination of especially cruel and dangerous executioners of the junta, an attack on the places of deployment of special forces (for example, a grandiose attack on the carabinieri barracks on Polo Banda Street).

After some hesitation, the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia made a decision to prioritize monetary support for the actions of "revolutionary expropriations"; attacks on public and private financial institutions.

FPMR had a clear organizational structure and support from young members of the Communist Party of China, as well as children of the Communists who managed to escape from repression abroad during the Pinochet coup.

Raul Pellegrin (Comandante Jose Miguel), who secretly arrived in the country, became the head of the organization.

Between December 1983 and October 1984, the rebels carried out 1,889 actions, justifying their efforts in preparation. In total, the Chilean guevarists recorded 1138 cases of explosions, 229 minor sabotages, 163 armed attacks, 36 assassination attempts and 47 major sabotages. To replenish the FPMR arsenal, attacks on weapon arsenals were practiced (from 1983 to 86 there were seven such attacks) and massive car thefts necessary for operational activities.

Quite quickly (since 1985) the group reached its maximum speed - a constant influx of combatants (including from abroad) made it possible to constantly keep about 500 active fighters. The main developer and organizer of many armed actions, including such high-profile ones as the assassination attempt on Augusto Pinochet in September 1986, and attacks on the highest ranks of the police and security services, is a former student of the University of Mauricio Andres Hernandez Norambuena, who, still being in the youth wing of the CPC, he was at the origins of the FPMR.

By 1986, the Front reached the peak of its combat activity - there were about 4,000 activists, of which about 100 were engaged in armed sorties and sabotage every day.

In May 1986, an operation was carried out to transfer FPMR by the Cuban Communists a huge number of weapons (80 tons, including ammunition and explosives) in the open ocean. The weapons were stored in the small bay of Carrizal Bajo in northern Chile. The cost of the weapons transferred at that time was about USD 30 million. But the successful work of the CIA and the junta's intelligence services led to the fact that 90% of the transferred arsenal was seized in August of the same year, although some of it was nevertheless transferred to activists in different regions of the country.

The decisive event, which was supposed to determine the effectiveness of the actions undertaken by the partisans and testify to their success, began to be prepared at the end of 1984. The front was gaining strength, and the Pinochet regime was losing its authority, and therefore it was concluded that the operation, code-named "20th century", consisted of organization of the assassination of A. Pinochet, should give impetus to mass nationwide mobilization for an armed war against the regime. In its preparation and implementation, people did not feel sorry for themselves and gave all the best.

But it must be borne in mind that Chile and the entire continent were no longer the same as in the 60s and early 70s! Having suppressed (by the mid-70s) with the help of the terror of puppet "gorillas" the influence on the consciousness of the masses of the revolutionary communists, the world elite is pursuing a policy of cultural appeasement of the burning continent. To put it simply, it pursues a policy of cultivating and educating an indifferent and cowardly man in the street. In the same Chile, Pinochet, using American money, is building a "prosperous and stable", moderately well-fed, silent society, though still without "freedom of speech" and "freedom of sex", but already with TV shows and football shows that distract people not only from political struggle, but from any thoughts at all. However, the Chilean communists from FPMR hoped that their sacrifices and attacks would wake up the masses.

Preparations for the operation were completed in 1986. After receiving large consignments of weapons from F. Castro and already having a decent number of soldiers, the group was experiencing its finest hour. On June 16, a terrorist attack was carried out in the Santiago metro, and on September 7, during the return of A. Pinochet from his country residence to the capital, the terrorists carried out an already open attack. The attack was led by José Joaquín Valenzuela ("Commander Ernesto"), who was in charge of the attack itself, and Cecilia Magni ("Commander Tamara"), who was responsible for preparing the attack.

Pinochet's cortege consisted of 3 armored cars, 2 motorcycles and 2 Mercedes escorts. They were attacked by about 20 Front fighters with M-16 assault rifles and LAW grenade launchers. However, Pinochet survived thanks to the armor of the car and the skill of the chauffeur, receiving only a slight injury. Perhaps a shot from a grenade launcher was fired from too close a distance, and the projectile simply bounced off the vehicle's body, exploding later. 5 accompanying persons were killed. CNI officers (intelligence, successor to DINA) performed poorly - they could not eliminate the attackers and let them leave.

Since 1986, FPMR began to have disagreements with the leadership of the CPC, and after the attempt on Pinochet's life, the special services began a massive campaign to liquidate FPMR. Many participants in the guerrilla are arrested or killed. But the main thing is that the special services manage to calculate and almost completely destroy the economic and supply structure of FPMR, which leads to a decrease in the intensity of hostilities.

In 1987 FPMR finally quarreled with the Chilean Communist Party, which was following the Soviet channel of "democratic reconciliation", and turned into a completely independent entity, continuing the armed struggle. The communists, led by Raoul Pellegrin, form the structure that later became known as the "autonomous FPMR" and proclaim their own strategy of "Patriotic National War". The Front leadership, following the Guevarist strategy, hoped to unleash a full-scale civil war in Chile and carry out a socialist revolution.

In September 1987, Colonel Carlos Carreño was taken hostage; in May 1988, an unsuccessful attempt was organized on the life of the prosecutor Torres. In October 1988, the FPMR, led by their commanders, captured 4 settlements at once, including the town of Los Quines in the south, in the battle for which the key FPMR communists, Raul Pellegrin and Magni, were killed. After that, Galvarino Apablaza (Comandante Salvador) became the leader of the front, and the intensity and scope of operations fell. Nevertheless, on June 9, 1989, the head of the Chilean Air Force, Roberto Fuentes, was killed, to which the authorities respond with new and new repressions and special operations.

But the biggest blow to the organization was the decision of the global capitalist elite to change the political image of their Chilean puppets. The political methods of the military dictatorship were revised and diluted with the latest methods of democratic governance. As a result of the general democratic elections, the authorities cover their essence with a mask of democracy and political spectacle. The media policy on psycho-informational programming of consciousness and on the corruption of Chilean youth is intensifying, which naturally does not add to those who want to choose the revolutionary path of a communist. The famous hypocritical show of the world media on the "condemnation of Pinochet" will begin soon.

In other words, during the transfer of Chile to democracy (since March 1990), the organization is experiencing a crisis of cultural hegemony, the supply of young fighters is decreasing, but still FPMR carries out two high-profile actions: the assassination of Senator Jaime Guzman Errazuriz (April 1, 1991) and the capture of the son of the largest Christian Edwards newspaper El Mercurio September 9, 1991 (released a few months later).

In 1993, the already democratic intelligence services arrested a number of FPMR leaders. Against the backdrop of repression, the destruction of the Soviet Union and the socialist camp, an economic blow to Cuba, the success of global capital in world consciousness manipulation and the establishment of their "democratic" regimes across the planet, FPMR is suffering defeat after defeat and is minimizing its armed activities.

But three years later, on December 30, 1996 !!!., The remaining FPMR fighters carry out a brilliant operation using a helicopter to free their legendary commander Mauricio Andrés Hernández Norambuena and three of his comrades from the high security prison in Santiago. Although already in February 2, 2002, Mauricio Norambuena and six of his comrades were again identified and arrested in Brazil, on charges of kidnapping the Brazilian businessman Washington Olivetta. The court sentenced 44-year-old Mauricio Hernandez to 30 years in a punishment cell. This year marks 13 years of his imprisonment.

Summing up, we can say that this group of the last Chilean guevarists, already small by the 2000s, did everything possible to defend the honor of their Motherland in the global resistance to global capital and their puppet henchmen. And no false films, articles, democratic elections and hypocritical "trials" over the Pinochet - these sons of bitches of the world capitalist elite, can cancel the fact of this sacred struggle.

“My friends, this is my last opportunity to address you. The Air Force bombed radio stations. Portales and Corporation. There is no bitterness in my words, there is only disappointment in them and they will become a moral punishment for those who broke their oath ... the Chilean soldier, the commander of the military, the self-styled Admiral Merino, Senor Mendoza - the lackey general, who yesterday swore allegiance to the government , and today appointed himself General Commander of the Carabinieri. In the face of all this, I have one thing left to say to the workers - I will not retire. Finding myself at this crossroads of history, I will pay with my life for the loyalty of the people. And I am sure that the seeds that we have planted in the dignified consciousness of thousands and thousands of Chileans can no longer be destroyed.

They have strength. They can destroy us. But neither force nor crime can stop social processes. History belongs to us, and peoples make it.

Workers of my homeland! I thank you for the loyalty you have always shown, for the trust you have shown in a man who was only an expression of deep aspirations for justice and who, vowing to respect the constitution and the law, kept his word. At this crucial moment, the last time I can speak to you, I want you to learn from this lesson. Foreign capital, imperialism in alliance with the reactionary created the conditions under which the armed forces broke the tradition taught by Schneider and which was supported by Comandante Araya, victims of the same group of society that is sitting at home today and waiting for the hands of others to transfer power to it, so that and continue to protect their income and privileges.

I am addressing first of all to a simple woman of our land, to a peasant woman who believed in us, to a worker who worked harder, to a Chilean mother who knew about our care for her children.

I appeal to you, specialists of my homeland, specialists-patriots, those who continued to work despite the sabotage of the traitorous trade unions, class trade unions that defended privileges that in capitalist society exist only for a few.

I appeal to youth, to those who gave their enthusiasm and spirit of struggle with the song.

I appeal to the Chilean - to a worker, a peasant, an intellectual, to those who will still be persecuted ... because fascism has long been active in our country, organizing terrorist attacks, blowing up bridges, cutting off railway communications, destroying oil and gas pipelines, with complicit silence those whose duty it was to intervene and put an end to it. History will judge them.

The Magallanes radio station will probably be silenced too, and the calm metal of my voice will not reach you. It does not matter. You will still hear it. I will always be by your side. At least the memory of me will be the memory of a worthy person who was able to respond with loyalty to the loyalty of the working people.

The people must defend themselves, but must not sacrifice themselves. The people must not allow themselves to be destroyed, but must not allow themselves to be humiliated.

Working people of my homeland, I believe in Chile and its destiny. Other people will experience this dark and bitter hour, when treachery is torn to power. Know, then, that the day is not far off when the wide road will open again, along which the free man will walk in order to build a better society.

Long live Chile! Long live the people! Long live the working people!

These are my last words. And I am sure - my sacrifice will not be in vain. I am sure that it will become, at least, a moral lesson and punishment for treachery, cowardice and betrayal. "

Birthday number 4 symbolizes a balanced, hardworking nature, careful, avoiding risky ventures. A capable person, with his ideas, plans, you try to figure everything out on your own, without outside help.

Your motto is reliability, endurance, honesty. You cannot be deceived, but you yourself must avoid self-deception.

4 - the number of seasons, the number of elements, the number of cardinal points. Number 4 people often look at things from their own special point of view, which allows them to find details hidden from the rest. At the same time, this often becomes the reason for their disagreement with the majority and clashes with others. They rarely strive for material success, being not too friendly, they are often alone. They have the best relationships with people of numbers 1, 2, 7 and 8.

Happy day of the week for number 4 is Wednesday

European zodiac sign Virgo

Dates: 2013-08-23 -2013-09-23

The Four Elements and their Signs are distributed as follows: the fire (Aries, Leo and Sagittarius), Earth (Taurus, Virgo and Capricorn), Air (Gemini, Libra and Aquarius) and Water (Cancer, Scorpio and Pisces). Since the elements help to describe the main traits of a person's character, by including them in our horoscope, they help to form a more complete picture of a particular personality.

The features of this element are cold and dryness, metaphysical matter, strength and density. In the Zodiac, this element is represented by an earthly trigone (triangle): Taurus, Virgo, Capricorn. The Earth Trigon is considered a materialistic trigone. Principle: stability.
The earth creates forms, laws, gives concreteness, stability, stability. The earth structures, analyzes, classifies, creates a foundation. It is characterized by such qualities as inertia, confidence, practicality, reliability, patience, rigor. In the body, the Earth gives inhibition, petrification through contraction and contraction, slows down the metabolic process.
People in whose horoscopes the element of the Earth is expressed have a melancholy temperament. These are people of sober reason and prudence, very practical and businesslike. Their goal of life is always real and achievable, and the path to this goal is outlined already in their youth. If they deviate from their goal, it is very insignificant and even more because of internal reasons than external ones. People of this trigone achieve success thanks to such wonderful character traits as perseverance, perseverance, endurance, endurance, determination, steadfastness. They do not have such a fantasy and vivid, vivid imagination, like the signs of the trigon of Water, there are no utopian ideas, like the signs of Fire, but they stubbornly go towards their goal and always achieve it. They choose the path of least external resistance, and when obstacles arise, they mobilize their strength and energy to overcome everything that prevents them from reaching their intended goal.
People of the elements of the Earth strive for possession of matter. The creation of material values \u200b\u200bbrings them true satisfaction, and the results of labor delight their souls. All the goals that they set for themselves, first of all, should bring them benefit and material benefit. If most of the planets are in the trigon of the Earth, such principles will apply to all areas of life, up to love and marriage.
People with a predominance of the elements of the Earth stand firmly on their feet, prefer stability, moderation, consistency. They love a sedentary lifestyle, are attached to home, property and homeland. Periods of ascent and prosperity are replaced by crises, which can be prolonged due to the inertia of the Earth's trigon. It is this inertia that prevents them from quickly switching to a new type of activity or relationship. This is where their limited ability to adapt to anyone and to anything, with the exception of the sign of Virgo, is manifested.
People with a pronounced element of the Earth usually choose a profession related to material values, money or business. They often have "golden hands", they are excellent artisans, they can be successful in applied sciences and arts. They are patient, submissive to circumstances, sometimes take a wait-and-see attitude, while not forgetting about their daily bread. Everything is done with one goal - to improve your physical existence on earth. There will also be concern for the soul, but this is from case to case. All of the above is easily achievable for them, provided that their energy does not go to such negative character traits as ultra-egoism, excessive prudence, self-interest and greed.

Gemini, Virgo, Sagittarius and Pisces. The mutable cross is the cross of reason, connection, adaptation, distribution. The main quality is the transformation of the idea. He is always here and now, that is, in the present. It gives mobility, flexibility, adaptability, complaisance, duality. People in whose horoscopes the Sun, Moon or most of the personal planets are in mutable signs have diplomatic abilities. They have a flexible mind, subtle intuition. They tend to be very careful, prudent, alert, and constantly on the alert, which helps them adapt to any situation. The main thing for them is to own information. When they feel not very competent or informed in any matter, they are great at dodging and dodging everyone and everything, although they are considered the most knowledgeable of the entire zodiac. They are sociable, courteous, talkative, interesting conversationalists. They easily and skillfully give up their positions, admit their mistakes and blunders, agree with their opponents, interlocutors. People of the mutable cross strive for inner harmony, harmony, mediation and cooperation, but are subject to strong inner anxiety and outside influence. Their greatest passion is curiosity, which keeps them on the move. Their views and worldview are rather unstable and depend on the environment. They often lack their own point of view. This partly explains the reasons for their imbalance and impermanence, changes in their lives. The true goals and plans of these people are difficult to predict, but they almost accurately guess the plans of others. They use every opportunity that can bring them benefit or profit, skillfully manage to bypass the blows of fate. People of the mutable cross are natural born realists. To achieve their goal, they use numerous friends, acquaintances, neighbors, relatives, colleagues, even unfamiliar people. Life crises are easily experienced and quickly forgotten. If there is no direct path to a life goal, then they will go roundabout, pondering every step, bypassing all visible sharp corners, bypassing all pitfalls. In what they are helped by their natural cunning and cunning, flattery and deceit, the ability to cheat. Mutable signs will help out from any abnormal, unusual situation, such a situation will not make them nervous, they will only feel their element, in which they can finally act. At the same time, their psyche and nervous system are very unstable. Serious obstacles can quickly knock them out of action, knock them out of the rut and delay the achievement of the goal. In this case, they do not resist, but go with the flow.

Virgo is a sign of the elements of the Earth, which here gives stability, strength and fundamentality. Its main formative planets are Proserpine and Mercury. The element Earth in Virgo is very static, so Virgos can be distinguished by their double conservatism, strong rationalism, scrupulousness and pedantry. From Mercury, Virgo has prudence and perception of everything through the mental plane. Virgos are able to memorize very large amounts of information and can process and analyze this information almost exactly. However, sometimes they lack creative initiative and intuition, that is, those main qualities that are necessary for creative synthesis.

Virgo, as a rule, is an excellent analyst, but they are usually weak with synthesis, therefore among Virgos you can find many experimental scientists and picky researchers who delve into details and build their system from small facts (For example, Butlerov, Rutherfod, Galvani, Faraday , Darwin). Among the Virgins we also find compilers of dictionaries - Brockhaus, Vladimir Dal. There are also Virgo writers who are very gifted and created monumental works - Goethe, L. Tolstoy.
When you are born under the sign of Virgo, you can be a philosopher because you have a strong enough mindset. In general, you study well and perceive any information. You can reach great heights with hard work and consistency. For you, perhaps harmony consists of many small details and separate components, that is, harmony for you is made up of little things. Therefore, you can be a good statistician, bookkeeper or librarian.

In the case of low spiritual development, in the worst case, qualities such as coldness and rationality may appear. An example of a strong Virgo logician is Hegel, whose iron logic to some extent compensated for his low ability to synthesize. In the worst case, you can be a dry pedant, but still with a little creativity.
Among Virgos we also find people with the "little man" complex. They are very executive and honest, they never ask for trouble and do not conflict with their environment. Gogol loved and described such people very much. Your worst traits in the case of a low level are service and servility displayed in communication and at the same time strong self-interest, which you may be guided by.

In the case of the middle level, Virgos are most often selfless. Some tediousness and pedantry are characteristic of you in any case, even at the highest level of development. At the highest level, you are saturated with information and are a living walking dictionary, very erudite. It's better not to argue with you - you can crush with your erudition. In general, you probably love it when you admire your intelligence and abilities, and work for you is probably the most important thing in life.
Your innermost essence and development system is analysis, and you develop through the analysis of everything. You build your system from small details, and in your highest manifestations, realizing the vibrations and qualities of Proserpine, you build a kind of super-system that sometimes is understandable only to you alone, that is, ahead of its time. Your main problem is the problem of "taming" your talkativeness, as well as the possibility of direct expression of your feelings. As a rule, you have a Venus complex - love is given to you with great difficulty, because you perceive feelings and emotions mentally, through the mind. From this, you can manifest coldness in love, coldness in general, tightness and notoriousness. You sometimes suffer in your personal life or your family life is not very good, you may well be a bachelor or an old maid.

When raising children with the Sun in Virgo, special attention should be paid to aesthetics, because in the worst case, the lack of Venusian qualities can lead to the fact that they go to the other extreme: from coldness to full revelry. Virgos begin to explore love from a mental point of view, becoming cold experimenters in love and sex. For example, you can choose your partner according to the sign of the zodiac, by degree, by decade and experiment, what and how to get it, that is, you go the harsh practical way.
Your karmic task is to do the hardest and most difficult work on earth, the most thankless work that all other signs of the zodiac give her. Therefore, you can work in hospitals: a nurse, a nurse, a surgeon, where there is a lot of sewage and dirt - you endure everything easily, you are not disgusted. You belong to a very responsible, serious and high zodiac sign.
Among the countries under the sign of Virgo are Germany, first of all, Prussia, where pedantry, accuracy and accuracy were very high. Japan is also the country of Virgo, where details are worked out very precisely and in detail, unique devices are created, very small and accurate.
Among the Virgins was Tomaso Campanella, a man with an amazing ability to regenerate.

Famous Virgins: Arafat, Botkin, Gaft, Galvani, Hegel, Goethe, Gere, Gamzatov, Humboldt, Gundareva, Helmholtz, Garbo, O Henry, Ivan the Terrible, Valley, Doronina, Jackson, Dovlatov, Dzerzhinsky, Dvorak, Jean-Michel , Zemfira, Sean Connery, Kobzon, Kuprin, Cooper, Christie, Kutuzov, Karelin, Copperfield, Kostolevsky, Kosmodemyanskaya, Leonov, Mercury, Mother Teresa, Lauren, Lagerfeld, Lem, Levitan, Mitkova, Montoya, Proklova, Ranevskaya, Pinkert , Reeves, Rutherfod, Rodnina, Rutskoy, Rourke, Richelieu, Spivakov, L. Tolstoy, A. Tolstoy, Terekhova, Wells, Farmer, Faraday, Zeiss, Schiffer, Ingres, Yablochkov.

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Virgo | 13 signs of the zodiac | TV channel TV-3

The site provides concise information about the signs of the zodiac. Detailed information can be found on the respective websites.

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"Decapitated human bodies, quartered corpses ..."

What does a trucker strike lead to?

The day before, November 25, marked the 100th anniversary of the birth of one of the most famous dictators of the twentieth century - Augusto Pinochet. Some associate his name with the overthrow of the legitimate president, the idol of ordinary Chileans, Salvador Allende, and the subsequent terror. Others - with the restoration of order, the flourishing of capitalism and the Chilean "economic miracle", the recipes of which were tried in the 1990s in our country.

People's not so much unity

Socialist Salvador Allende, who became president of Chile in 1970, stubbornly led this South American country, prosperous by regional standards, into a bright communal future. They say, not without financial assistance from the "big brother" of the USSR and former partisan commanders from Cuba, who generously shared their combat experience in subversive and sabotage work. As with any redistribution of personal and public wealth, the country was divided in two. The poor naturally supported the policy of the government of the coalition of leftist forces "Narodnoy Unity" on nationalization and import-substitution industrialization, the middle class looked at the experiments with alarm. And the Chilean bourgeoisie, large landowners and owners of mining enterprises were not at all laughing: Allende, under the guise of agrarian reform, arranged for the expropriation of private land, and also established state control over most of the private companies and banks, the age-old agrarian-oligarchic order was crumbling before our eyes.

Was the economic policy of the socialists successful? Opinions vary. Some researchers claim that under Allende the economy simply collapsed: political populism pushed wages up, finally the printing press was launched, inflation jumped, goods and food disappeared from the shelves, coupons appeared - all the "charms" familiar to Russians. However, others argue that the results were quite decent: the economy was growing steadily, the authorities curbed unemployment, and in the crisis that followed by 1973, the United States was largely to blame (where without them!), Which imposed sanctions that put an end to the export of minerals - after all, many of the nationalized (but, by the way, bought out by the socialist government) companies were of American "origin."

Under Allende (right) Pinochet (left) had a brilliant career, but appetite comes with eating

In addition, the situation was greatly destabilized by the activities of extreme right-wing anti-communist organizations, such as "Patria and Libertad". Every day, 30-50 terrorist attacks were committed, mainly at infrastructural facilities - power lines, substations, bridges, roads, oil pipelines. More than two hundred bridges alone were blown up, and the total damage amounted to a third of the country's annual income. Due to the collapse of the infrastructure, it became impossible to conduct business further, cattle farmers massively slaughtered livestock, and up to half of the 1972 harvest perished - and this is an important export component of the country.

A national, pan-Hecular strike, initiated in October 1972 by truck owners, added fuel to the fire.

Nevertheless, Allende's methods were approved by many strata of the population, the president actually claimed to be re-elected in the next elections. The director Miguel Littin, who was exiled from Chile under Pinochet, recalls in the book dedicated to him by the Nobel laureate Gabriel García Márquez: “During Allende's time, small busts of the president were sold in the markets. Now flowers are placed in front of these busts in pobationa (municipalities - ed.) And lamps are lit. His memory lives on in everyone and in everything: in the old people who voted for him for the third and fourth times, in his voters, in children who know him only from other people's memories. We heard the same phrase from different women: "The only president who fought for our rights is Allende." However, he is rarely called by his last name, more often simply - President. As if he was still alive, as if there were no others, as if they were waiting for his return. Pobnation's memory was imprinted not so much of his image as the greatness of his humanistic plans.

Shelter and food are not the main thing, the main thing is dignity, - say residents of the outskirts and clarify: - We do not need anything except what was taken from us. Voice and the right to choose ... "

At the call from above

This happened on September 11, 1973 (yes, Chile has its own September 11), as a result of a military coup led by General Augusto Pinochet, who made a fast-paced career under the Popular Unity government: to the post of Deputy Minister of Internal Affairs and Commander-in-Chief of Ground Forces. What happened fully corresponded to the "Chilean spirit": the history of the country has already known periods of the junta. With the help of aviation, the presidential palace "La Moneda" was fired at and captured, President Allende shot himself (according to another version was killed) from the "Kalashnikov", not allowing himself to be subjected to the trial of the putschists, and perhaps even torture.

The coup was not spontaneous - it was well thought out in advance and there were practically no misfires. This was indirectly confirmed by Pinochet himself. Our well-known TV traveler Mikhail Kozhukhov was the only Russian journalist who managed to talk to Pinochet in person back in 1993:

“- And if I ask you myself: what kind of man is General Pinochet?

09/11/1973. Last lifetime photograph of President Allende

The soldier who received the order and carried it out. And not bad. Because I realized that my country is being given to foreigners. And who? The president of the republic himself! It was my duty to protect her sovereignty. That's why I intervened. Do you know how many weapons we found when we marched on 9/11? Thirty thousand barrels! Here's how things were ... Even Cuban General Antonio LaGuardia was already here. He later wrote a book where he confessed: there were fifteen thousand partisans under his command in Chile. They had to fight the military government, just imagine! .. Now they say: [Marxist] theory was good, but practice failed. And I say: no, this system is no good. You put the best performers - the result will be the same. The communist system has failed! Never a single state will have the money to feed all the idlers. "

Whose order was the general carrying out (according to legend, recruited by the CIA back in the 1950s)? It is easy to imagine from the words of Miguel Littin “Simple miners, smeared with soot, gloomy, tired of endless unfulfillable promises, opened [Allende's] soul and became the bulwark of his victory. As he assumed the presidency, he began by fulfilling a promise made that day to the miners of Lot-Schwager by nationalizing the mines. Pinochet first of all returned them back to private property, as well as many other things - cemeteries, trains, ports and even waste disposal ... ”The generals were also eager to fall for the pie, Augusto and his“ colleagues ”were not at all mercenary: they took part in privatization, their children are all oligarchs. As are our sons of the general.

Bloody road to "economic miracle"

Immediately after the coup, a harsh and brutal extermination of the supporters of the former, socialist, regime followed, so that Pinochet had something to call a "bloody dictator". An independent commission of the Catholic Church counted "only" 2,300 victims during the 17 years of Pinochet's rule in 15 million Chile, among them mainly militants and saboteurs. The number of those expelled from the country (in the "Pinochet's" interpretation - those who were offered to voluntarily leave it) allegedly also amounted to no more than a few thousand.

National stadium in Santiago turned into a concentration camp and torture center for tens of thousands of people

The numbers are too "humane" to be true, - you draw a conclusion from Littin's testimonies: "Closer to the city center, I have already given up admiring the beauties behind which the military junta hid the blood and suffering of more than forty thousand dead, two thousand missing and a million deported from the country ... Twelve years ago, at seven o'clock in the morning, the commanding officer of the patrol sergeant fired a machine gun fire over my head and ordered the arrested men to join the ranks, whom he led to the Chilean film studio where I worked. Explosions thundered all over the city, machine gun fires rattled, and military aircraft swept at low level flight. We ... saw the first people killed in the streets; a wounded man bleeding on the sidewalk with no hope of help; civilians clubbing supporters of President Salvador Allende. We saw prisoners standing against the wall and a platoon of soldiers pretending to be shot ... The building of the Chilean film studio was surrounded, in front of the main entrance there were machine guns aimed at the doors ... , fleeing death, which followed us on our heels, until it squeezed us into a foreign land ... "

The international tribunals that took place back in the 1970s also agree on a much more impressive figure - at least 30 thousand people who died in the first month after the putsch and more than 12 thousand who were tortured and killed later. Russian sociologist Alexander Tarasov: “The infamous National Stadium in Santiago, turned into a concentration camp by the junta, can accommodate 80 thousand people. In the first month, the number of those detained at the stadium averaged 12-15 thousand people a day. The stadium is adjoined by a velodrome with stands for 5 thousand seats. The Velodrome was the main site of torture, interrogation and execution. Every day, according to numerous testimonies of witnesses, including foreigners, from 50 to 250 people were shot there. In addition, the Chile stadium, which could accommodate 5,000 spectators, was turned into a concentration camp, but up to 6,000 arrested were held there. At the Chile stadium, according to the testimony of the survivors, the torture was particularly monstrous and turned into medieval executions. A group of Bolivian scientists who got to the Chile stadium and miraculously survived testified that they saw decapitated human bodies, quartered corpses, corpses with ripped bellies and thoraxes, corpses of women with cut-off breasts in the locker room and in the stadium's medical center. The military did not risk sending the corpses to the morgues in this form - they took them out in refrigerators to the port of Valparaiso and threw them into the sea there.

The Catholic Church was generally supportive of Pinochet's crimes. Left - Pope John Paul II

There are also numerous testimonies, including foreigners, who, to their misfortune, ended up in Chile at the bad hour of this country: how 10 students were shot in front of the school building in the poor people's quarter; how the carabinieri executed over 300 people, including women, from one enterprise with machine guns; how the corpses of those killed to intimidate the survivors were laid out along the streets and avenues; how in the provinces whole neighborhoods were fired from machine guns, regardless of the political views of their inhabitants.

Emphasizing their commitment to Christian values, in fact, Pinochet & Co did not stop before the priests who dared to prevent the repression, to divert the muzzle of machine guns from the innocent: thousands of Catholic activists sympathizing with the "Popular Unity" were imprisoned, as were 60 priests, 12 of whom were killed. However, the official Catholic statistics are innocent.

Fascist in the full sense of the word

“With the announcement of“ normalization ”, the“ military operations ”against the civilian population did not stop,” reports Alexander Tarasov. - When, at the end of 1973, General Pinochet visited the village of Quinta Belya to attend the ceremony of renaming the village to Buin (in honor of the regiment of the same name), this was preceded by an intimidation action: the military drove all 5 thousand residents of the village onto a football field, took 200 of them people, of whom 30 were shot, and the rest were declared hostages. On the night before Pinochet's visit, the soldiers constantly fired at the village. Several dozen people were injured. Later, Chilean television showed the arrival of Pinochet in Quinta Bellew and the women sobbing around him and explained that the women were crying from feelings of affection and gratitude to the general for the fact that he "freed them from Marxism." Although they sobbed, naturally, for completely different reasons. "

Neo-fascist organizations, which before the putsch, diligently sawed off the country's economy in order to overthrow the Allende team, did not stand aside after the coup. Fascist parties were instructed to ideologically substantiate the new regime in schools, universities, and factories. The names of Hitler, Franco, Mussolini soon became respected and glorified, and the number of fascist organizations increased 20 times. A wave of anti-Semitism swept across the country, with nine out of ten Jewish families leaving the country, which at the same time became a haven for former Nazi criminals. Most of the million who left were the intelligentsia, 60% never returned, the scientific, cultural, moral level of the country's population dropped sharply.

Having visited Chile in 1971, Fidel Castro (in the middle) could not even suspect that he was standing next to the future leader of Chilean fascism

Alexander Tarasov: “Denunciations were encouraged. The informer received a premium of one and a half million escudos and all the property of the person he reported. Hundreds and thousands of relatives and neighbors who were in a quarrel denounced each other. The city of Chuquicamata became notorious as the "cradle of informers": there, teenagers from wealthy families raced to denounce their parents - in order to get their property and quickly squander it. We had one Pavlik Morozov, there were 90 of them in little Chukikamata! "

True, the pro-fascist organizations were soon disbanded - Pinochet would not have tolerated armed formations on his territory. Many militants subsequently settled well in the new military-police hierarchy. Thus, during the time after the coup, 492 thousand Chileans were convicted and sent to prison, at least once every third was arrested, the occasion was the slightest offense, for example, violation of the curfew.

Economic monster

“After the military coup, the Mapocho River became associated all over the world with the mutilated bodies that carried its waters after the nightly pogroms carried out by patrols on the outskirts - in the notorious 'pobaziona' of Santiago. In recent years, however, whatever the season, the true tragedy of Mapocho has been the hungry crowds fighting the dogs and vultures over the garbage dumped into the riverbed near city markets. This is the wrong side of the "Chilean miracle" created by the military junta at the instigation of the Chicago School of Economics "- this is how Miguel Littin characterizes the economic achievements of the Pinochet regime.

An export-oriented oligarchic economy is the recipe for Santiago's prosperity under Pinochet

According to the filmmaker who secretly returned to Chile in the mid-1980s, the "miracle" was largely due to ostentatious, unrestrained consumerism: the funds of domestic private capital and transnational corporations, received from denationalization and privatization, went to luxury, which created the illusion of economic prosperity: During one five-year period, more things were imported than in the previous two hundred years, and they were bought with foreign currency loans secured by the National Bank with funds received as a result of denationalization. The complicity of the United States and international lending organizations completed what was begun. However, the hour of reckoning also came: six or seven-year illusions crumbled to dust in one year. Chile's external debt, which stood at $ 4 billion in the last year of Allende's rule, rose to $ 23 billion. It is enough to stroll around the margins of the markets along the Mapocho River to see the true social value of these 19 billion tossed away. The military "economic miracle" made the few rich people even richer, and the rest of the Chileans were allowed into the world. "

Already in 1974, the national currency devalued 28 times, and prices for basic products increased by about the same amount. The "shock therapy" that began the following year and was officially launched to attract investments and develop the banking sector into the country, bulldozed through the most vulnerable categories of the population. "Chile must become a country of owners, not of proletarians!" - proclaimed Pinochet. And the new authorities completely closed the topic of social security and free health care. The average wage in industry was $ 15. And the peasants completely sabotaged the work on the land transferred back to the possession of the former owners, the latifundists.

In the 1990s, Russia repeated the path of Pinochet's Chile to an "economic miracle"

The finally depreciated escudo was replaced by the peso, which equated one to one to the dollar, but by the end of Pinochet's reign, the dollar was already worth 300 pesos. Indicators of 1980: unemployment - 25%, inflation - 40%, maintenance of the army and police - 43% of the budget. In the towns of the south of the country, where the winters are cold, special teams collected the frozen corpses of the homeless. More than 5 million people were forced to move to slums. “It's hard to imagine a trading floor without long, silent rows of [hoarders]. They trade in everything and everyone, they are so numerous and diverse that by their very existence they betray a social tragedy. Alongside an unemployed doctor, a bankrupt engineer, or an arrogant lady selling cheap clothes left over from better times, there are street children selling stolen goods, or disadvantaged women selling homemade bread ... "

But new financial and industrial groups were formed, privatizing the depreciated assets with borrowed money. The junta did not fight corruption, but rather led and controlled it. No wonder the authors of the Chilean "economic miracle" visited Russia in the 1990s ...

Features of national fishing

The country was pulled out of the economic abyss not so much by the emerging FIGs as by the mass class of entrepreneurship - the very "traders", "bagmen" (in our opinion, "shuttle traders"). In addition, America, which raised lending rates and the dollar rate, gave a kick to speculative sectors, many nouveau riches, if not bankrupt, then reformatted - it was time to invest in the real sector. The now popular Chilean wine, Chilean fresh products, fish, meat, timber appeared on the global market.

In the end, the new elite that emerged during the entrepreneurial upsurge began to be embarrassed by their "overseers" in uniform - not everyone abroad was ready to buy products in places where blood flowed like a river. Fundamental disagreements also appeared in the armed forces: many of the dictator's associates resigned, “on a well-deserved rest,” and newcomers who were not stained with the blood of the first years of the junta came to their place. They did not lead friendship with Pinochet, they knew him poorly, but they saw very well that it was “impossible to live like this” any longer, it was necessary to establish a dialogue with civilians, to go on a democratic track.

Having lost in the first free elections, the dictator, out of habit, called for the troops, but his bloody manners were fed up with the military

The new constitution, which was written under the supervision of the president, included a clause on a plebiscite - a popular referendum on confidence in the head of state, the date of which he himself appointed in 1989. Having lost it to the representative of the Christian Democratic Party Patricio Eylwin, Pinochet gave the order to withdraw troops into the streets, but the young generals no longer wanted to shed the blood of their compatriots. The presidential chair had to be surrendered. However, Pinochet retained the post of commander-in-chief for another 8 years, thereby protecting himself and his entourage from court, and then self-appointed as a senator for life ...

March 2000 is a great time in Chile. Pinochet takes long walks in the park of his villa near Santiago. Five children and twenty-four grandchildren and great-grandchildren create a caring fuss around the head of the family. The ex-dictator has just from London, where, having flown in for treatment, he spent a year and a half under house arrest: the Spanish authorities, whose citizens were missing during the years of his rule, "got it". In England, he struggled to portray a frail old man, whom it is more merciful to leave alone. Finally, the British Home Secretary allows the former dictator to leave for his homeland - old, sick, sort it out yourself.

Reagan and Thatcher favored Pinochet; during their reign, the official number of victims of the Chilean dictatorship decreased by an order of magnitude

Augusto watches TV news broadcasts: demonstrations in all major cities of the country are calling for him to be tried. The other day, socialist Ricardo Lagos was elected president, a victim of his dictatorial regime, was arrested back in 1986. When taking office, Lagos said that he was not going to forgive Pinochet: too many people suffered, too many mourn their relatives. We need to show the world that Chile is a democratic country and the court in it is independent and fair.

But they will not prove it. The military, who rejected Pinochet's dictatorial whim, will have their weighty word and will not surrender the old man to the democratic authorities. The elite will propose a deal: let him leave politics, from the post of senator, and live quietly, no one needs shocks. He will agree. And he will hold out until the last second in December 2006, although attempts to prosecute him for his crimes will not subside and Pinochet will endure house arrest four more times.

After his death, which came in the 92nd year, a letter to the nation was published: he explained that he had chosen the fate of exile and loneliness for the sake of the Fatherland, and made sacrifices in order to prevent an even greater catastrophe - civil war and the victory of Marxism (by the way, after him Chile was largely ruled by representatives of the Socialist Party, and the country lives quite well).

“Chile is a democratic country. She was democratic when I was born. And it's not for me to change that. No matter what they say about the fact that I am a fascist and a dictator, ”Pinochet boasted in an interview with Mikhail Kozhukhov. Attributing to themselves the dignity and merit of an unyielding and hardworking people.