Viktor anpilov politician biography. The leader of "Labor Russia" Viktor Anpilov died. Lines from the biography of the rebel

Viktor Ivanovich Anpilov, Russian public and political figure, chairman of the Executive Committee of the social and political movement "Labor Russia", honorary chairman of the movement "Labor Russia", was born on October 2, 1945 in the village of Belaya Glina, Krasnodar Territory.

After graduating from the 8th grade of secondary school, he entered a vocational school in Taganrog, then went to work at a combine plant and began to study at a school for working youth. Anpilov served in the army (in the missile forces).

In 1968, Anpilov entered the International Department of the Faculty of Journalism at Moscow State University. In 1972 he joined the Communist Party.

In 1984-1985, Anpilov was a correspondent in Nicaragua, in 1985 he returned to his homeland and again began working for the State Television and Radio Broadcasting Company. Anpilov resigned from there in 1991.

Viktor Anpilov began his political activities in 1990 - he ran for People's Deputies of the RSFSR and the Moscow Soviet. In May 1991, Anpilov ran for the mayoral elections in Moscow, but did not collect the required number of signatures for registration.

In 1992, Anpilov became one of the main organizers of the Labor Russia movement, in October of the same year he was elected a member of the Coordination Council and chairman of the movement's executive committee. In 1995, Anpilov ran for the State Duma of the Russian Federation. The block he entered did not break the 5 percent barrier.

In November 1997, Anpilov's Labor Russia entered a bloc with the Union of Officers of Stanislav Terekhov and the National Bolshevik Party * of Eduard Limonov. The union received the name "revolutionary radical opposition".

In March 2001, Anpilov took part in the by-election to the State Duma. In November of the same year, Anpilov ran for the elections to the Moscow City Duma and lost again.

In 2002, the Ministry of Justice refused to register Trudovaya Rossiya as a political party. In mid-2003, Anpilov received an offer from Vladimir Zhirinovsky to enter the top three of the LDPR party list in the next elections to the State Duma, but later the LDPR leadership abandoned this idea.

In July 2006, Anpilov took part in the Other Russia forum organized by opposition representatives in opposition to the G8 summit in St. Petersburg.

In 2006-2007 he took part in meetings and meetings of the Other Russia public movement. Member of the "Marches of Dissent".
On February 4, 2012, Anpilov with party members from "Labor Russia" came to a rally in support of Vladimir Zhirinovsky. On February 9, Anpilov was officially registered as a trustee of the candidate for President of the Russian Federation Vladimir Zhirinovsky.

Born on October 2, 1945 in the village of Belaya Glina, Beloglinsky District, Krasnodar Territory.
He graduated from eight classes of secondary school N 9 in the village of Novaya Glina (1960) and vocational school N 4 in Taganrog, specializing in "locksmith" (1962)
In 1964 he graduated from high school for working youth.
Graduated from the International Department of the Faculty of Journalism of the Moscow State University. M.V. Lomonosov in 1973
Speaks Spanish (fluently), Portuguese and English.
In 1962 - 1964. worked as a mechanic at a combine plant in Taganrog and at the same time studied at an evening school for working youth.
In 1964 - 1967 served in the Armed Forces of the USSR (missile forces, Carpathian Military District).
1967-1968 - Correspondent of the regional newspaper in the Krasnodar Territory.
1968-1973 studied at the Moscow State University. MV Lomonosov at the international department of the Faculty of Journalism.
In 1972 he joined the CPSU.
1973 - 1974 worked as a translator at the Cuban Petroleum Institute in Havana.
1974-1978 correspondent of a district newspaper in the Moscow region.
Since 1978 - correspondent of the radio broadcasting editorial office for Latin American countries of the USSR State Committee on Television and Radio Broadcasting, since 1981 - political commentator.
In 1984-1985. worked as a correspondent for the USSR State Committee on television and radio broadcasting in Nicaragua.
In 1990, Anpilov was nominated for the People's Deputies of the RSFSR and for the Moscow City Council. Was elected as a people's deputy of the Moscow Soviet. From March 1990 to October 1993 - Deputy of the Moscow City Council. In the Moscow Soviet, he was a member of the communist faction "Moscow".
Since autumn 1990 - founder and editor-in-chief of the Molniya newspaper (the newspaper is registered with the Moscow City Council).
In 1991 - 1992 was among the main initiators of the creation of a number of pro-communist organizations: the Union of Workers of Moscow (summer 1991, from the spring of 1992 - the Council of Workers of Moscow), the movement "Labor Moscow" (October-November 1991), the movement "Labor Russia" (November-December 1991 ).
In November 1991, he took part in the Yekaterinburg Constituent Congress of the RKWP, at which he was elected a member of the Central Committee (at the plenum of the RKWP Central Committee in early 1992, he was elected one of the secretaries of the Central Committee).
In 1991-1992, he organized a number of mass communist demonstrations in Moscow: demonstrations on November 7, 1991, December 12, 1991 - "March of hunger lines", February 9, 1992 - "March to the White House", March 17, 1992 - "National Veche", from 12 to 22 June 1992 - organizer of a "tent camp of protest" in front of the complex of buildings of the state television and radio broadcasting company "Ostankino" called "Siege of the Empire of Lies", 12 December 1992 - a new "March hungry queues. "
On October 17-18, 1992, at the All-Russian Congress of Soviets of Workers and Peasants, held in Nizhny Novgorod, Viktor Anpilov was elected a member of the "shadow workers 'and peasants' government".
On October 25, 1992, he organized the founding congress of the Trudovaya Rossiya movement, at which he was elected a member of the Coordination Council and chairman of the movement's executive committee. In early 1993, he created an alternative to the "Labor Moscow" Moscow branch of the "Labor Russia" movement - the "Labor Capital" movement.
In March 1993, together with his supporters from the RKWP, he took part in the first day of the restoration congress of the Union of Communist Parties - SKP-KPSS.
Was one of the leaders of the communist demonstration that ended in mass riots on May 1, 1993 in Moscow. On September 21, 1993, after the decree of Russian President Boris Yeltsin on the dissolution of the Supreme Soviet and the Congress of People's Deputies, he called on his supporters to defend the House of Soviets.
On October 3, 1993, he was one of the organizers of the demonstration under the name "All-People's Veche on October Square". The demonstrators broke through the police cordon and stormed the Moscow mayor's office. On the same night, Anpilov also took part in an attempt to seize the Ostankino television center.
After the introduction of a state of emergency in Moscow, he hid, was arrested on October 7, 1993. Released from the Lefortovo remand prison on February 26, 1994, in accordance with the decision of the State Duma of the Russian Federation.
During the election campaign in the State Duma of the 6th convocation in autumn 1995, together with Viktor Tyulkin and Anatoly Kryuchkov, he headed the Central List of the pre-election bloc "Communists - Labor Russia - for the Soviet Union".
At the same time, Anpilov ran for the State Duma in the single-mandate constituency N 156 (Balakovo, Saratov region), where he took the third rating place, losing to the candidates from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and the Liberal Democratic Party. In January 1996, the Central Election Commission of the Russian Federation registered an initiative group of voters that nominated Viktor Anpilov as a candidate for the post of President of the Russian Federation. On March 18, 1996, Anpilov, on behalf of the Trudovaya Rossiya movement, supported the candidacy of Gennady Zyuganov as a single candidate for the "left-wing and people's patriotic forces," without withdrawing his own candidacy.
On March 18, 2001, he took part in the by-election of a State Duma deputy in the 106th Kolomna single-mandate constituency. 13% of voters voted for him.

Leader of the movement "Labor Russia"

Chairman of the executive committee of the Trudovaya Rossiya movement, one of the founders of the Russian Communist Workers' Party, organizer of a number of high-profile street actions, including the May Day demonstration of 1993 in Moscow, which ended in clashes between protesters and riot police, which resulted in a large number of injured on both sides. After the October 1993 events, he was taken into custody and released from investigation in February 1994 under a parliamentary amnesty. Excluded from the RCWP in 1996. Former deputy of the Moscow City Council. One of the organizers of the failed "people's television", the founder of the newspaper "Molniya". In 1984-1985 he was a war correspondent for the USSR State Radio and Television in Nicaragua.

Viktor Ivanovich Anpilov was born on October 2, 1945 in the village of Belaya Glina, Krasnodar Territory. After graduating from the 8th grade of secondary school, he entered a vocational school in Taganrog, then went to work at a combine plant and began to study at a school for working youth. He served in the army (in the missile forces). In 1968 he entered the International Department of the Faculty of Journalism at Moscow State University. In 1972 he joined the Communist Party.

In 1973 he graduated from Moscow State University and went to work in Cuba. Returning to his homeland, he worked at the Higher Komsomol School as a translator, then in regional newspapers in the Moscow region. From 1977 to 1984 he was a commentator for the Main Radio Broadcasting Office for the Latin American countries of the USSR State TV and Radio. In 1984-1985 he was a correspondent in Nicaragua, where the civil war was going on at that time, in 1985 he returned to his homeland and again began working for the State Television and Radio Broadcasting Company. Resigned from there in 1991.

He began his political activities in 1990 - he ran for People's Deputies of the RSFSR and the Moscow Soviet. He did not become a deputy, but he entered the Moscow City Council. In the autumn of the same year, he registered the newspaper Molniya (it was first published on behalf of the Movement of the Communist Initiative, the anti-Gorbachev wing of the CPSU, and in 1992 it became known as the "central organ" of the Russian Communist Workers' Party). In November 1991, he participated in the founding congress of the RKWP and was elected secretary of the party's Central Committee. He joined the Stalinists.

In May 1991, Anpilov ran for the mayor of Moscow, but did not collect the required number of signatures for registration. In the same year, he worked as a confidant of the presidential candidate Albert Makashov (who eventually lost the election).

In 1991-1993, Anpilov organized a number of mass actions in Moscow: a demonstration on November 7, 1991, a March of "hunger lines", a campaign against the White House, a national assembly, a siege of the "empire of lies", a meeting of "empty pans". He was one of the leaders of an unauthorized demonstration on May 1, 1993 in Moscow, during which there were massive clashes between protesters and the police and riot police (several hundred people were injured on both sides).

On September 21, 1993, after Boris Yeltsin's decree on the dissolution of the Supreme Soviet, Anpilov called on his supporters to defend this authority. After the introduction of the state of emergency on October 4, he was hiding in the Tula region, where he was arrested. In February 1994, along with other opposition leaders from among the defenders of the White House, he was released from custody under a parliamentary amnesty. In the same year, he was considered by the leadership of the RCWP as a candidate for the presidency of Russia, but later it was decided to abandon this idea.

In 1995, Anpilov ran for the State Duma of the Russian Federation. The block he entered did not break the 5 percent barrier. In September 1996, Anpilov was expelled from the RCWP for trying to oppose his movement to the party (on the eve of the presidential election, Anpilov, on behalf of Labor Russia, signed an agreement on joint actions in support of the leader of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation Gennady Zyuganov, from whom the leadership of the RCWP decided to distance itself). Anpilov's supporters left the RKRP with him.

In November 1997, Anpilov's Labor Russia entered into a bloc with the Union of Officers of Stanislav Terekhov and the National Bolshevik Party of Eduard Limonov. The union received the name "revolutionary radical opposition". In the same year, Anpilov came up with the initiative to create a national-communist association "Front of the Working People, Army and Youth for the USSR", which was eventually to be transformed into an electoral association. In January 1999, the "Front" adopted the name "Stalin's Bloc: Labor Russia - Officers - for the USSR". The top three on the bloc's list included Anpilov, Terekhov and Stalin's grandson Yevgeny Dzhugashvili.

In September 1999, the Central Election Commission registered the "Stalinist Bloc" for participation in the parliamentary elections. As a result, the bloc won only 0.63 percent of the vote.

In March 2001, Anpilov took part in the by-election to the State Duma in the Kolomna 106th district and received the second result (Gennady Gudkov won). In November of the same year, Anpilov put forward his candidacy in the elections to the Moscow City Duma in the 29th Solntsevsky District and again lost.

In December 2003, the leader of Labor Russia announced his intention to submit documents to the CEC on self-nomination as a candidate for the presidency of Russia, but later refused to participate in the elections. He motivated his refusal with "certain events" in the camp of Vladimir Putin's political opponents.

In the summer of 2005, Anpilov announced that he would stand as a candidate for the next by-election to the State Duma. However, by the end of December, he had not submitted the documents required for registration.

In July 2006, Anpilov took part in the Other Russia forum organized by opposition representatives in opposition to the G8 summit in St. Petersburg. On December 16, Anpilov took part in the "March of Dissent" (the action of the "Other Russia", which united those dissatisfied with the amendments to the electoral legislation). The action went off without incident.

Anpilov is married and has two children. He is fond of Latin American revolutionary song poetry and Russian folk songs, loves the poetry of Lermontov, Yesenin, Garcia Lorca, Guillen, Byron. Collects dictionaries and Bibles in different languages. Fluent in Spanish, Portuguese and English.

the USSR
Russia, Russia Occupation:

Biography

After graduation, he left to work in Cuba as a translator at the Ministry of the Merchant Marine. After returning to the USSR, he worked as a translator at the Higher Komsomol School, then in regional newspapers in the Moscow region. From 1977 to 1984 he was a commentator for the Main Radio Broadcasting Office for the Latin American countries of the USSR State Television and Radio Broadcasting. In 1984-1985 he was a correspondent in Nicaragua, in 1985 he returned to his homeland again began to work at the State Television and Radio Broadcasting Company, from where he quit in 1991.

In 1990 he was elected a deputy of the Moscow City Council from the 401st Solntsevsky constituency in Moscow, became a member of the Communist faction "Moscow". In the fall of 1990, he founded the newspaper Molniya, published by the Communist Initiative Movement.

Member of the founding congress of the Russian Communist Workers' Party, elected Secretary of the Central Committee (1991), head of the Moscow City Party Committee. In October 1996, he was expelled from the RCWP for an attempt to oppose his movement to the party (on the eve of the presidential elections, Anpilov, on behalf of Labor Russia, signed an agreement on joint actions in support of the leader of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, Gennady Zyuganov.

One of the founders of the social and political movement "Labor Russia" (1992), chairman of the executive committee. Public politician, organizer and active participant in numerous anti-Yeltsin rallies in 1992-1993, at which he called for the overthrow of the regime.

On March 18, 2001, he took part in the by-election of a State Duma deputy of the 3rd convocation in the 106th Kolomna single-mandate constituency. 13% of voters voted for him (Gennady Gudkov won in this district).

He has been married since 1976. Fluent in English, Spanish and Portuguese.

Bibliography

Anpilov V.I. . - 2002.

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Notes

An excerpt characterizing Anpilov, Viktor Ivanovich

In the evening, Prince Vasily arrived. He was met at the avenue (as the avenue was called) by a coachman and waiters, with a shout they drove his carts and sleighs to the outbuilding along a road covered with snow on purpose.
Prince Vasil and Anatol were assigned separate rooms.
Anatole was sitting, taking off his jacket and propping his hands on his hips, in front of the table, to the corner of which he, smiling, fixedly and absentmindedly fixed his beautiful large eyes. For his whole life he looked at it as a continuous amusement, which for some reason someone undertook to arrange for him. In the same way, he now looked at his trip to the evil old man and to the rich ugly heiress. All this could come out, according to his assumption, very good and funny. Why not marry, if she is very rich? It never gets in the way, Anatole thought.
He shaved, perfumed himself with the thoroughness and panache that had become his habit, and with his natural, good-natured, victorious expression, carrying his handsome head high, entered his father's room. Near Prince Vasily his two valets were busy dressing him; he himself looked animatedly around him and nodded cheerfully to his son who entered, as if he were saying: "So, that's how I need you!"
- No, no kidding, father, is she very ugly? AND? He asked, as if continuing the conversation he had more than once conducted during the trip.
- Completely. Nonsense! The main thing is to try to be respectful and reasonable with the old prince.
“If he scolds, I'll leave,” said Anatole. - I can't stand these old people. AND?
- Remember that for you everything depends on it.
At this time, in the maiden's room, not only was the arrival of the minister with his son known, but the appearance of both of them was already described in detail. Princess Marya sat alone in her room and tried in vain to overcome her inner excitement.
“Why did they write, why did Liza tell me about it? After all, this cannot be! She said to herself, looking in the mirror. - How do I get out into the living room? If even I liked him, I would not be able to be with him by myself now. " The thought of her father's gaze terrified her.
The little princess and m lle Bourienne have already received all the information they need from the maid Masha about what a ruddy, black-browed handsome man the minister’s son was, and about how papa forced their legs up the stairs, and he, like an eagle, walking three steps, ran behind him. Having received this information, the little princess with m lle Bourienne, still heard from the corridor in their animatedly talking voices, entered the princess's room.
- Ils sont arrives, Marieie, [They arrived, Marie,] you know? - said the little princess, waddling her belly and sinking heavily into an armchair.
She was no longer in the blouse in which she had sat in the morning, but she was wearing one of her best dresses; her head was carefully tucked away, and her face was full of animation, which, however, did not hide the drooping and dead outlines of her face. In the outfit that she usually wore in the societies in Petersburg, it was even more noticeable how much she had grown ugly. On m lle Bourienne, too, there was already imperceptibly some improvement in the outfit, which made her pretty, fresh face even more attractive.
- Eh bien, et vous restez comme vous etes, chere princesse? She said. - On va venir annoncer, que ces messieurs sont au salon; il faudra descendre, et vous ne faites pas un petit brin de toilette! [Well, and you stay, what were you wearing, princess? Now they will come to say that they have left. You will have to go downstairs, and you at least dress up a little!]
The little princess rose from her chair, rang the maid, and hastily and merrily began to invent an outfit for Princess Marya and put it into effect. Princess Marya felt offended in her dignity by the fact that the arrival of her promised groom worried her, and she was even more offended by the fact that both her friends did not imagine that it could be otherwise. To tell them how ashamed she was for herself and for them was to betray her excitement; besides, giving up the outfit that was offered to her would lead to prolonged jokes and insistence. She flushed, her beautiful eyes went out, her face was covered with spots, and with that ugly expression of the victim that most often resides on her face, she surrendered herself to the power of m lle Bourienne and Lisa. Both women cared quite sincerely about making her beautiful. She was so bad that none of them could think of competing with her; therefore they quite sincerely, with the naive and firm conviction of women that an outfit can make a face beautiful, began to dress her.
“No, really, ma bonne amie, [my good friend,] this dress is not good,” Liza said, glancing sideways at the princess from afar. - Tell me to serve, you have a masaka there. Right! Well, after all this, perhaps, the fate of life is being decided. And this is too light, not good, no, not good!
It was not the dress that was bad, but the face and the whole figure of the princess, but m lle Bourienne and the little princess did not feel this; it seemed to them that if they put a blue ribbon to their combed-up hair and pull down a blue scarf from a brown dress, etc., then everything will be fine. They forgot that the frightened face and figure could not be changed, and therefore, no matter how they changed the frame and decoration of this face, the face itself remained pathetic and ugly. After two or three changes, which Princess Marya dutifully obeyed, at the minute she was combed up (a hairstyle that completely changed and spoiled her face), wearing a blue scarf and an elegant dress, the little princess walked around her twice, with a small hand Here she straightened the fold of her dress, tugged at her scarf and looked with her head bowed, now from one side or the other.
“No, it’s not allowed,” she said resolutely, throwing up her hands. - Non, Marie, decidement ca ne vous va pas. Je vous aime mieux dans votre petite robe grise de tous les jours. Non, de grace, faites cela pour moi. [No, Marie, this is definitely not going to you. I love you better in your gray daily dress: please do it for me.] Katya, - she said to the maid, - bring the princess a gray dress, and see, m lle Bourienne, how I arrange it, - she said with a smile of anticipation of an artistic joy.