Introduction - 3.

1. Third State Duma (1907-1912): general characteristics and features of activity - 5

2. The State Council of the third convocation in the estimates of deputies - 10

Conclusion - 17.

List of used literature- 20

Introduction

The experience of the first two legislative assemblies was estimated by the king and his surroundings as unsuccessful. In this situation, a Treysian manifest was issued, in which dissatisfaction from the work of the Duma was written off on the imperfection of elected legislation:

All these changes in the order of elections cannot be carried out by the usual legislative way through the State Duma, the composition of which is considered unsatisfactory, due to the imperfection of the method of choosing its members. Only the authorities who have given the first electoral law, the historical power of the Russian king, will bring the right to cancel it and replace it with a new one.

The electoral law of June 3, 1907, may also seemed to surround the king of a successful find, that's only the State Duma formed in accordance with him so one-sided reflecting forces in the country, which could not even adequately outline the circle of those problems that could prevent the solution to prevent Slipping country to disaster. As a result, replacing the first duma the second, the royal government wanted as better, but it turned out as always. The first Duma was the Duma of Hope to the peaceful evolutionary process in the country, tired of the revolution. The second Duma turned out to be the spirit of the most acute struggle of deputies among themselves (up to the Drak) and an irreconcilable struggle, including in an offensive form, the left side of the deputies with the authorities.

Having experience overclocking the previous Duma, the most prepared for parliamentary activities, the most intellectual faction of the Cadets tried to introduce even into some kind of fractions of decency and the right, and left parties. But the intrinsicness of the Rostov of parliamentarism in autocratic Russia was little interested in the right, and the left was generally noted at the evolutionary development of democracy in Russia. On the night of June 3, 1907, the arrest of members of the Social Democratic Fractions followed. At the same time, the government announced the dissolution of the Duma. A new, incomparably more stringent restrictive electoral law was published. Thus, the tsarism deeply violated one of the main provisions of Manifest on October 17, 1905: no law can be accepted without approval of the Duma.

Further political life with terrifying discrimination has demonstrated the erroneousness and inefficiency of power palliatives in solving the cardinal problems of the relationship of various branches of government. But before, for their own and other people's mistakes, Nicholas II with his family and millions of innocent people who came to the millstone of the revolution and the Civil War were the third and fourth Duma.

As a result of the Treiyunsky 1907, the electoral state of the Blackness Pumpo, the electoral law of December 11, 1905 was replaced by a new one, which is not called "Shameless" in the Cadet-liberal environment: So frankly and rudely, he ensured an increase in the Third Duma of the Extreme Right Monarchic-Nationalist wings.

Only 15% of the Russian Empire citizens received the right to participate in the elections. The peoples of Central Asia have lost their voting rights at all, representation from other national districts was limited. The new law almost doubled the number of selectors from the peasants. The united first urban smoke was divided into two: only the owners of large ownership were included in the first, which received significant advantages compared to the shallow bourgeoisie and the intelligentsia, which constituted the bulk of the voters of the second city curia, i.e. The main voters of Cadets-Liberals. Workers could conduct their deputies in fact only in six provinces where individual workers were preserved. As a result, 75% of the total number of electors accounted for the share of noble landowners and major bourgeoisie. At the same time, the tsarism showed himself a consistent supporter of the conservation of feudal-landlord status quo, and not to accelerate the development of bourgeois and capitalist relations in general, not to mention bourgeois-democratic trends. The norm of the representation from landowners landowners in four more times exceeded the norm of representation from a major bourgeoisie. The third State Duma unlike the first two existed the deadline (01.11.1907- 09.06.1912). The processes of positioning and interaction of political forces in the third Duma of the Tsarist Russia are amazingly reminded what is happening in 2000-2005 in the Duma of Democratic Russia, when political feasibility based on unprincipledness is put at the head of the corner.

The purpose of this work is to study the peculiarities of the Third State Duma of the Russian Empire.

1. Third State Duma (1907-1912): general characteristics and features of activity

The third state of the Drazy Russian Empire operated the full term of office from November 1, 1907 to June 9, 1912 and turned out to be the most politically durable of the first four state DUM. It was elected in accordance with Manifesto on the dissolution of the State Duma, about the time of convening a new Duma and the change in the order of elections to the State Duma and Regulations on elections to the State Duma From June 3, 1907, which were published by the emperor Nikolai second simultaneously with the dissolution of the second State Duma.

The new electoral law significantly limited the voting rights of the peasants and workers. The total number of selectors in the peasant curia was reduced by 2 times. Peasant Kuria, therefore, had only 22% of the total number of electors (against 41.4% by electoral right Regulations on elections to the State Duma 1905). The number of seals from the workers was 2.3% of the total number of electors. Significant changes were made in order of elections from urban curia, which was divided into 2 categories: the first congress of urban voters (major bourgeoisie) received 15% of all the electors and the second congress of urban voters (small bourgeoisie) received only 11%. The first Kuria (farmers congress) received 49% of the electors (against 34% under the position of 1905). The workers of the majority of the provinces of Russia (except 6) could participate in the elections only on the second urban curia - as hotels or in accordance with the property valuable. Law June 3, 1907 provided the right to the Minister of Internal Affairs to change the boundaries of constituencies and at all election stages to share election meetings for independent branches. Representation from national outlets decreased dramatically. For example, from Poland, 37 deputies were elected from Poland, and now 14, from the Caucasus earlier, 29, now only 10. The Muslim population of Kazakhstan and Central Asia has completely deprived of representation.

The total number of deputies of the Duma was reduced from 524 to 442.

Only 3,500,000 people took part in the elections to the third Duma. 44% of deputies were noble landowners. Legal parties after 1906 remained: "Union of the Russian People", "Union October 17" and a party of peaceful updates. They were the backbone of the III Duma. The opposition was weakened and did not interfere with P.Stolapina to carry out reforms. The number of opposition-minded deputies, the number of opposition-minded deputies significantly decreased by the new electoral law of the third Duma, and vice versa increased the number of deputies supporting the government and the royal administration.

In the third Duma there were 50 extreme right deputies, moderately right and nationalists - 97. Groups appeared: Muslim - 8 deputies, Lithuanian-Belarusian - 7, Polish - 11. The Third Duma, the only of the four, worked on the entire election law Five-year term, five sessions took place.

There was an extremely right deputy group headed by V.M.Purishkevich. At the suggestion of Stolypin and the government, a new faction "Union of Nationalists" was created with his club. She competed with the black-based "Russian Assembly" faction. These two groups amounted to the "Legislative Center" of the Duma. The statements of their leaders often worked the character of obvious xenophobia and anti-Semitism.

At the first meetings of the III of the Duma , Opened its work on November 1907, a municipal majority was formed, which was almost 2/3, or 300 members. Since the storms were against the manifesto on October 17, for a number of issues between them and Octobrists there were discrepancies, and then the Octobrists found support from progressors and strongly corrected cadets. So the second Duma majority, the Octobrist-Cadet, which constituted about 3/5 of the composition of the Duma (262 members).

The presence of this majority determined the nature of the activity of the III of the Duma, ensured its performance. A special group of progressors was formed (at first 24 deputies, then the number of the group reached 36, later on the basis of the group arose a progressive party (1912-1917), which occupied an intermediate position between the Cadets and Octobrists. The leaders of progressists were V.P. and P.P. Ryabushinsky . Radically customized factions - 14 labor workers and 15 Social Democrats - kept a mansion, but they could not seriously affect the course of the Duma activity.

The number of factions in the Third State Duma (1907-1912GG)

The position of each of the three main groups - the right, left and center - was defined in the first meetings of the III of the Duma. Creamotens, who did not approve the conversion plans of Stolypin, unconditionally supported all his measures to combat opponents of an existing building. Liberals tried to resist the reaction, but in some cases Stolypin could count on their relatively benevolent attitude to the proposed government reforms. At the same time, none of the groupings could, when voting alone neither fail, nor approve one or another bill. In such a situation, everything solved the position of the center - Octobrists. Although she did not make a majority in the Duma, but from her the outcome of the voting was depended: if the Octobrists voted along with other right factions, then a right-toe majority (about 300 people) were created, if with cadets, then - Octobrist-Cadet (about 250 people) . These two blocks in the Duma allowed the Government to lavish and hold both conservative and liberal reforms. Thus, the Octobrists faction played the role of a kind of "pendulum" in the Duma.

After the overclocking of the State Duma, on June 3, 1907, a new electoral law was published, which qualitatively changed the party composition of the Duma (almost 70% of the places in the III Duma received representatives of the right-hand parties). The Third Duma was the most obedient king and existed the entire period (November 1, 1907 - June 9, 1912; Duma Chairmen - N.A. Khomyakov, A.I. Guccov, M.V. Rodzianko).

The III Duma has two blocks and two majority.

The outcome of any voting was addressed to whom - with right or left - the center will vote. For conservative projects voted the fraction of the Octobrists (center) together with the robust fractions. When voting for the projects of bourgeois reforms, the Octobrists united with Cadets and Social Democrats. At the Black-and Octobrist Block, tsarism relied in the struggle for the preservation of the existing regime and when the revolutionary movement is suppressed, and the second most of the autocracy used to temper the requests of landowners and prevent the revolutionary explosion. The presence of these two blocks allowed the government to lavish between landlords and a large bourgeoisie. The third State Duma examined and approved 2,200 bills. The main issues were agricultural, worker, national etc.

Thus, in contrast to the I and II DUM, the reactionality of the III of the Duma was manifested in financing the needs of the police, gendarmerie, in the adoption of anti-democratic working legislation.

In December 1912, elections were held in the IV State Duma. As part of this Duma, two majority were preserved - the right-October and Octobrist-Cadet. The chairman of the Duma became M.V. Rodzianko. At the same time, a new batch of progressors took shape, which advocated the constitutional monarchist system, the empowerment of the Duma and the responsibility of the ministers in front of it. The emergence of this party was a step towards the unification of all the liberal forces: progressors, cadets, and Octobrists. In 1915, they created a progressive unit led by P.N. Milyukov.

Thus, the Duma period in the history of Russia by the beginning of the 20th century amounted to only 12 years. Tsarism accelerates the Duma disagreeable to him, limited the electoral rights of the people, but was forced to reveal the Duma again, for it was already impossible to destroy it. The country awakened to political life. The Duma became the enemy of the struggle of the parties, movements, she pushed autocracy to self-deforming. But his inability to peacefully fit into the parliamentary monarchy became one of the reasons for the collapse of the royal regime and the death of old Russia.

After the death of P.A.Stolapina, the reform activity of the government went to no. The implementation of the program scheduled for P.A.Stolepin, has estimated significant costs. But the fixed assets went on defense, allocating for these purposes from 1908 to 1913. increased by more than 1.5 times. Social contradictions aggravated. After the execution of the workers in April 1912, a sharp politicization of the labor movement began on Lensky gold deposits. If in April 1912, 300 thousand people participated in political strikes, then 1913 - more than 1.2 million. By the beginning of World War I, the Russian society was on the verge of shocks.

Topics of abstracts

1. P.A. Stolypin: historic portrait.

2. Agricultural reform P.A. Stolypin.

3. The ratio of political parties to Stolypin reforms (to choose).

4. "Golden Age" of Russian private entrepreneurship.

1. Avrech P.A. Stolypin and fate of reforms in Russia. - M., 1991.

2. Galagan A.A. From the merchant to the banker. - M., 1997.

3. Dongarov A.G. Foreign capital in Russia and the USSR, 1856-1946. - M., 1990.

4. Zyryanov P.N. Peter Stolypin: political portrait. - M., 1992.

5. Russia and world business: affairs and fates / ed. IN AND. Bovykin. - M., 1996.

Materials for seminarams

Read Documents and Answer

On questions

1. From PA speech Stolypin in the III State Duma (November 16, 1907).The government, along with the suppression of the revolution, was set as a task to raise the population to the possibility in fact, in fact, to use the benefits given to it. As long as the peasant is poor, while he does not have personal land ownership, while he is forcibly in the grip of the community, he will remain a slave, and no written law will give him the benefits of civil liberties. In order to take advantage of these benefits, because you need a well-known, at least the smallest, share of consistency. I, gentlemen, remembered the words of our great writer Dostoevsky, that "Money is a chased freedom." Therefore, the government could not continue to meet, it could not be satisfied with this invented every person, therefore, and our peasant is a sense of personal property, as natural as a feeling of hunger, like an attraction to the continuation of the genus, like any other natural nature of a person. That is why before all, and above all, the government facilitates the peasants to the reorganization of their economic life and improving it and wishes from the aggregate of the ridiculous lands and land acquired in the government fund, to create a source of personal property.

Third State Duma Third State Duma

The Third State Duma is the Russian representative legislature, operating from November 1, 1907 to June 9, 1912; Five sessions took place (cm. Parliamentary session). The third State Duma existed for five years - the entire period allotted by it. According to a new electoral law of June 3, 1907 (Treyunsky coup), the rights of a number of categories of the population were significantly reduced: the number of representatives from the peasantry was reduced by 2 times, from the workers - by 2.5 times, from Poland and the Caucasus - 3 times, the peoples of Siberia And Central Asia has lost the right of representation in the State Duma. The voting rights of the landlords of landlords were significantly expanded, according to the new law, the number of the landowner was equated to the votes of four major entrepreneurs, 260 peasants, 543 workers. The landowners and large bourgeoisie received two-thirds of the total number of electors, workers and peasants were left around a quarter of the electors. Workers and peasant electors were deprived of the right to choose deputies from their environments. This right was transferred to the provincial electoral assembly as a whole, where in most cases landowners and bourgeoisie prevailed. City Kuria was divided into two: the first was the first owners, the second - small bourgeoisie and the city intelligentsia. Of the six deputies chosen on the working curia, there were four Bolsheviks (N.G. Poletayev, M.V. Zakharov, S.A. Voronin, P.I. Surkov). Deputies IP were adjacent to the Bolsheviks Pokrovsky and A.I. Precinal. The total number of deputies of the State Duma was reduced to 442.
Elections to the Third State Duma took place in the fall of 1907. In the first session, the Duma counted the extreme right deputies - 50, the moderately right and nationalists - 97, Okabristov and the progressive to them - 154, "progressors" - 28, Cadets - 54, Muslim Group - 8, Lithuanian-Belarusian Group - 7, Polish Kolo -11, labor - 14, Social Democrats - 19. Octobist N.A. was elected chairman of the Third State Duma. Homyakov, from March 1910, this post occupied A.I. Huchkov, and since 1911 - Octobrist M.V. Rodzianko. None of their parties (cm. POLITICAL PARTY) The majority of votes did not have in the State Duma, the results of the voting depended on the position of the Seventeenth-October party, which became the "Center" faction instead of the cadets. If the Octobrists voted with the right, the municipal majority (approximately 300 deputies) were created, if in conjunction with progressors and cadets - the Octobrist-Cadet (more than 250 deputies). In general, the Octobrists supported the policies of the government P.A. Stolypin. skillfully lavored when it was necessary to conduct certain decisions of the government. Depending on the circumstances, they were blocked with monarchists or cadets. This mechanism was called the "Octobrist Pendulum". During his work, the Duma considered about 2.5 thousand bills. A significant part of the draft laws related to the insignificant issues that were called "Legislative Vermicelli". The most important laws adopted by the Third State Duma were laws on agrarian reform (dated June 14, 1910), the introduction of land in Western provinces (1910).

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The fourth State Duma began work on November 15, 1912. With the beginning of the First World War, the regular nature of the work of the Duma was broken. During the February Revolution of 1917, Duma members 27.2 (12.3) .1917 formed a temporary committee of the State Duma for the watervation of order in Petrograd and for intercourse with institutions and persons. 2 (15) .3.1917 The Committee announced the creation of a temporary government.

From the third to the fourth Duma

From Memoirov P.N. Milyukov

The murder of Stolypin on September 2, 1911 was the natural end of that stage in the history of our domestic policy, which is represented by the Third State Duma. If it is impossible to put a fairly obvious scubrix here, then first of all because Kokockov's short intermezzaro slightly glittered the political meaning of the new turn. It could seem that the transition from the third Duma to the fourth there is a simple continuation of what was established for the previous five years. But we already know that there is nothing "established", but "continued" only the inner struggle between the supporters of the old and new building. With the advent of the Fourth Duma, this struggle entered a new stage. Immediately it was impossible to predict that this stage would be the last, for it was not still on the face of the third factor, which bowed the union of the struggle towards the opposite one to which the power was striking. This factor that resolved the dispute between the country and the authorities was war.

Leaving this factor while aside, it was possible, however, it was already possible to foresee that in the fourth Duma, the struggle between autocracy and national representation will be conducted under different conditions than it was conducted in the Third Duma. There was a last attempt to establish between the struggling forces at least the visibility of some equilibrium. Here this visibility disappeared, and the struggle went to the open. In the third Duma the upcoming party was power; The public, weakly organized, only defended, barely holding the occupied positions and going on a compromise with the authorities. The essence of the change in the fourth Duma was that the compromise was impossible and lost any meaning. Together with him disappeared and then the average flow that represented it. The "Center" disappeared, and the fictitious government majority disappeared with him. Two opposite camps stood now openly against each other. Between them, the more, the more, the Cash composition of the People's Representative Office was distributed. It is difficult to say than this struggle would end if opponents were provided to themselves.

It was more or less known that the question of the influence of the government to the elections was reduced, above all, to the issue of government subsidies. Subsequently, V. N. Kokovtsov also informed the exact data. Already in 1910, Stolypin began training, demanding from the Minister of Finance to four million elections. "All I managed to do," says Kokovtsov, is to build this amount, there is simply reducing it, in order of usual bargaining, up to three with a small one million and stretch this figure for three years 1910-1912 "...

And what was it for the campaign! All suspicious facial politics are unceremonably eliminated from participation in elections. Categories of persons deprived of electoral rights or opportunities to actually participate in the elections. The elections were present the Zemsky chiefs. Unwanted elections were canceled. Pre-election assemblies were not allowed, and the very names of unwanted parties were forbidden to pronounce, write and print. The congresses of the voters were shared according to any groups to compile artificial majority. The entire first period of choice of the Commissioner First Stage was held in the dark. Small landowners were almost massively absent; But, along from the spiritual authorities, priests were mobilized, who were the rules of the situation. In 49 provinces on 8764, there were 7.142 priests, and only to avoid the scandal, more than 150 spiritual persons were prohibited in the Duma; But they should have vote everywhere for government candidates.

The next stage of selection of electors passed more consciously, but here all the techniques of political pressure came into force. Only in cities - and especially in five big cities with a separate representation - it was possible an open social impact on the elections. Here, the deputies known for their opposition were held, and Octobrists were baled (which at the same time were baled and right). It would be absolutely impossible to draw any complete picture of organized violence in these elections. But what happened as a result? We take a look at the comparative table of party groups in the third and in the fourth Duma (see Appendix 2nd.).

At first glance, the difference is not so great, - with the exception of the transition of votes from the Octobrists to the right (-35 +40) and the seal during their account, both opposition parties (+15). In fact, not only moral, but also the real meaning of these changes is very large.

Last Parliament of the Russian Empire

The fourth and the last of the State Duma of the Russian Empire operated in the period from November 15, 1912 to February 25, 1917. She was elected on the same electoral law as the Third State Duma.

Elections in the IV State Duma fell on autumn (September-October) 1912. They showed that the progressive movement of Russian society goes along the way of approval in the country of parliamentarism. The election campaign, in which the leaders of bourgeois parties actively participated, was held in the discussion atmosphere: to be or not to be a constitution in Russia. Even some candidates for deputies from the number of right political parties acted as supporters of the constitutional system ...

Meetings of the IV Duma opened on November 15, 1912. The chairman of it was Octobrist Mikhail Rodzianko. Comrades of the chairman of the Duma were Prince Vladimir Mikhailovich Volkonsky and Prince Dmitry Dmitrievich Urusov. Secretary of the State Duma - Ivan Ivanovich Dmitryukov. Comrades Secretary Nikolai Nikolayevich Lvov (senior comrade secretary), Nikolai Ivanovich Antonov, Viktor Parfenyevich Basakov, Gaisa Khamidulovich Yenikeev, Alexander Dmitrievich Zarin, Vasily Pavlovich Shein.

The main fractions of the IV State Duma were: Right and nationalists (157 seats), Octobrists (98), progressors (48), Cadets (59), which were still two Duma majority (depending on which they were blocked with whom Octobrists: Octobrist-Cadet or Octobrist-Right). In addition to them, in the Duma, employers (10) and Social Democrats (14) were presented in the Duma. The program of progressists took shape in November 1912 and adopted a program that provided for the constitutional monarchical system with the responsibility of the ministers to the national representation, the expansion of the rights of the State Duma, etc. The emergence of this party (between ocendromers and cadets) was an attempt to consolidate a liberal movement. In the work of the Duma took part Bolsheviks led by Rosenfeld L.B. and Mensheviks led by Chkheidze N.S. They contributed 3 bills (about 8-hour working days, about social insurance, national equality) rejected by the majority ...

As a result of the elections, in the fourth State Duma, in October 1912, the government was even greater insulation, since the Octoprics were now firmly stood on a par with cadets into a legal opposition.

In the atmosphere of the growing voltage in March 1914, two inter-party meetings were held with the participation of cadet representatives, Bolsheviks, Menshevikov, Socialist Republics, Left Octobrists, progressists, non-partisan intellectuals, which discussed the coordination of the activities of the left and liberal parties in order to prepare the introduction performances. The world war, which began in 1914, temporarily arrived a distinguished opposition movement. At first, most of the parties (excluding Social Democrats) expressed confidence in the government. At the suggestion of Nicholas II in June 1914, the Council of Ministers discussed the issue of converting the Duma from the Legislative Body to the Advisory. On July 24, 1914, the Council of Ministers were provided with emergency powers, i.e. He received the right to solve most affairs on behalf of the emperor.

At the emergency meeting of the IV Duma, on July 26, 1914, the leaders of the right and liberal bourgeois fractions were called to rally around the "Holding leader leading Russia to the sacred battle with the enemy of Slavs", postponing "internal disputes" and "scores" with the government. However, the failures at the front, the growth of the strike movement, the inability of the government to ensure the management of the country stimulated the activity of political parties and their opposition. Against this background, the fourth day entered the acute conflict with the executive authority.

In August 1915, a progressive unit was formed at the meeting of members of the State Duma and the State Council, which included Cadets, Octobrists, progressors, part of the nationalists (236 of 422 members of the Duma) and three groups of the State Council. The Chairman of the Bureau of the Progressive Block was the Octobrist S.I. Sidlovsky, and the actual leader is P.N.Milukov. The block declaration published in the "speech" newspaper on August 26, 1915, was compromised, provided for the creation of the government of "public confidence". The block program included the requirements of partial amnesty, cessation of persecution for faith, the autonomy of Poland, the abolition of restrictions in the rights of Jews, restoring trade unions and work press. The block was supported by some members of the State Council and Synod. The irreconcilable position of the block in relation to state power, its sharp criticism led to the political crisis of 1916, which became one of the reasons for the February Revolution.

On September 3, 1915, after adopting the Duma allocated by the Government of loans to war, she was dissolved on vacation. Again the Duma gathered only in February 1916. December 16, 1916 was dissolved again. Resunted activities on February 14, 1917 on the eve of the February renunciation of Nicholas II. February 25, 1917 was again dissolved and more officially was not going to, but formally and actually existed. The Fourth Duma played a leading role in the provisional government institution, in which it actually worked in the form of "private meetings". On October 6, 1917, the Provisional Government decided to dissolve the Duma in connection with the preparation for elections to the Constituent Assembly.

Encyclopedia "Circlevet"

http://krugosvet.ru/enc/istoriya/gosudarstvennaya_duma_rossisko_imperii.html?page\u003d0,10#part-8.

Fourth Duma and Government

The State Duma has become so significant as a significant factor in Russian life that the government could not not be interested in the outcome of the upcoming elections. Stolypin at one time suggested to provide broad support to moderately right parties, especially nationalists. V. N. Kokovtsov considered, on the contrary, that it should be interfere in the election as little as possible. The general institution of elections was assigned to that. Minister of Internal Affairs A. N. Haruzina; The holding of the election campaign was provided by the local governor initiative. Only one respect was made a more serious attempt to influence the polls. The Law on June 3 provided the decisive importance of the Kuria of the landowners. Where large landlords were small, most belonged to authorized from small landowners, and among them, in turn, rural priests prevailed, who were considered as by the owners of the church plots of the Earth. Ober-prosecutor of the Synod through local binders offered the clergy to take permanently more active participation in the elections. The result of this prescription turned out to be unexpectedly impressive: priests began to be elected at the congresses of small landowners; In the twenty provisions, they made up over 90 percent of the Commissioners, and in general, 81 percent! Print scored alarm. They began to write that in the new Duma would not be two hundred priests. Mashed landowners were worried. But the clergy, in general, was interested in politics; Waving to elections to indicate the diocesan bosses, it did not compile any special party and did not always vote for the right. The priests only baled several prominent Octobrists who defended the bills about freedom of conscience in the 3rd Duma. The Chairman of the city of Duma M. V. Rodzianko passed only due to the fact that the government, hovering by his requests, allocated priests into a special smoke, by the departure, where he ran into the electors.

The first official statistics of the new Duma as if confirmed by this information: the right was listed 146, the nationalists - 81, Okabristov - 80, the entire opposition - 130 ... But as soon as the deputies came out, it turned out a completely different picture: the agency looked at almost all peasants and priests in the right While many of them were Octobrists, and even progressors ... The right majority that existed on paper melted. It turned out that if the Octobrists were somewhat suffered (about 100 left them), they increased by K.-D. and progressors; Nationalists split out, "Group of Center" separated from them; As a result, the right wing almost did not increase.

Even more significant was the fact that Octobrists took place for this time, contrary to the wishes of the authorities. The same result, which in 1907 was a victory of government, turned out to be in 1912. The success of the opposition. It did not slow down to affect the presidium elections. Octobrists entered this time in the Agreement with the left. M. V. Rodzianko was re-elected by the chairman against the votes of nationalists and the right; The comrade of the Chairman was elected progressive. 182 In his opening speech, Rodzianko spoke about the "strengthening of the constitutional system", about the "elimination of an unacceptable arbitrariness" - and the right of the meeting room demonstratively left the right. Menshikov wrote in the "New Time" about "Experience with the Left Duma". When discussing the declaration of V. N. Kokovtsova, the Duma (15.XII. 1912) adopted the left majority 132 against the 78 formula of progressors, which ended with the words that the state. The Duma "invites the government firmly and openly join the implementation of the manifesto on October 17 and the waters of strict legality." The third thought of such a tone with the authority never said.

With all that in the new Duma there was no certain majority, nor the desire to keep a systematic fight against the government, especially since the events of foreign policy at the end of 1912, the internal conflicts obscured.

S.S. Oldenburg. The reign of Emperor Nicholas II

http://www.empire-history.ru/Empires-211-66.html.

Stenographic reports of meetings of the IV State Duma.

Members of the State Duma: portraits and biographies. Fourth convocation, 1912-1917

Elections in the I-IV State Duma of the Russian Empire (Memories of Contemporaries. Materials and Documents.) / CEC RF. Ed. A. V. Ivanchenko. - M., 2008.

Kiryanov I. K., Lukyanov M. N. Parliament of autocratic Russia: State Duma and its deputies, 1906-1917. Perm: Publishing House of the Perm University, 1995.

Yu.P. Rodionov. The formation of Russian parliamentarism at the beginning of the twentieth century

Glinka Ya.V. Eleven years in the State Duma. 1906-1917. M., New Literary Review, 2001.

For 5 years of its existence of the III, the Duma did a great job: more than 2.5 thousand governmental bills were considered, 205 of their own legislative assumptions were developed, 157 requests to the government, etc. were prepared and discussed. True, the overwhelming part of the draft laws was minced, insignificant requests of departments concerned mainly by the states and budgets of individual institutions. But at the time, the Duma accepted a number of important laws that have significantly affected the entire course of the socio-economic and political development of the country.
The normalization of the budget process was an important achievement of the Duma of the Third convocation. Russia received the income and expenses approved by the law. The budget rights of the Duma were approved by Nikolai II on March 6, 1906. This was not unconditional, since a significant part of the state budget was "booked" from the discussion by the national representation. All attempts of deputies to achieve the revision of the rules on March 6, 1906, limiting the budget rights of the Duma, turned out to be unsuccessful.
One of the most important results of work III of the Duma was the adoption of a law on the local court, for the adoption of which in three readings it took 22 meetings.
The scope of social legislation III of the Duma was quite narrow. However, the laws adopted by it had very significant consequences. First of all, legislation on peasant land tenure and land use should be noted (laws 14 June 1910 and May 29, 1911). The government resolutely rejected any attempts to attempt on private ownership lands and offered a decision of an agricultural issue on the intensification of agricultural production and, above all, the peasant economy. Projects made by P.A.Stolipine and A.V. Krivoshein, the main-rules of land management and agriculture, provided for the creation of private peasant land tenure and planting individual peasant farms (bran and farms) by promoting the exit of peasants from the community and even some administrative pressure on them this plan.
And, finally, the activities of the III of the Duma in the social sphere were insurance laws to ensure workers in cases of injury and diseases issued on July 23, 1912. Presenting the draft law on insurance of workers from accidents, during which the entire circle of the necessary working legislation was affected, Chairman of the commission Baron E.E. Tisengausen noted the "primary economic, public and state importance" of solving the work issue.

Among the issues that caused fierce disputes were the question of the essence of the state system of Russia after the publication of Manifesto on October 17 and the adoption of the new edition of the basic laws. The soil for various interpretations of the essence of the state system of Russia gave the contradiction and fuzziness of the wording of a number of important articles of the principal laws, which should have identified the nature of the relationship of the Supreme, Regulatory and Legislative Authorities.
From a series of bills in the field of the implementation of civilian and political freedoms, proclaimed on October 17, - freedom of speech, conscience, press, unions and assembly, inviolability of the individual, - It was the last one who gave rise to the most acute debate. This project was made by the government in the second Duma, and for its discussion, a special commission was established, which was led by the right. Discussion of the project showed what was the state of human rights in Russia, what important is it for all areas of the country's life, including for the development of the economy, but the bill has not come out of the discussion stage.
Another major package of bills - religious, designed to implement the principles of freedom of conscience promised by the Manifesto on October 17, 1905, and did not go beyond the folk representation. The bill concerning those who voluntarily folded from themselves, did not become a law, because Nicholas II refused to sign it (the only case during the time of operation of the III Duma).
The bill of internal affairs made by the Ministry of Internal Affairs was discussed by deputies for a long time and carefully. However, the bill accepted by the Duma never passed through the State Council during the existence of the Duma of the third convocation.
The State Council of the Third convocation adopted a number of bills that did not become laws, but showed the focus on the reform: the change and addition of certain articles of the Statutes on excise taxes, on the introduction of universal primary education in Russia.
Some legislative initiatives of the Duma itself were explicit political gestures of individual parties. Despite the catchy and radical content, these bills did not have chances to become laws.
The Third Duma completed the long process of developing and adopting the most important acts regulating its activities. First of all, this is an obligation of the State Duma, which began to operate from October 9, 1909. In addition to orders, the Duma took a provision about his own office.