State Committee for Emergency. GKCP (State Committee for Emergency Regulation). Official statement GKCHP

There are various opinions about the reasons for the creation of the GCP, the main of them is:

1) fear of persons who are part of the GCCP, lose power;

2) Saving the USSR from decay.

According to the first version, scheduled on August 20, 1991. The signing of the new Union Treaty pushed conservatives for decisive actions, since the agreement devoted the top of the CPSU of real power, posts and privileges. According to the secret agreement, M. Gorbachev with B. Yeltsin and the President of Kazakhstan N. Nazarbayev, about which it became known to the Chairman of the KGB V. Kruchkov, after signing the agreement it was assumed to replace the USSR Prime Minister V. Pavlova N. Nazarbayev. The same fate was expected by the Minister of Defense, Kryuchkov himself, and a number of other high-ranking persons.

I would like to believe that the organizers of the GCCP did not move the mercenary intentions, namely patriotism, the desire to preserve the Soviet Union. This version will consider in more detail.

From December 1990, the chairman of the KGB of the USSR V.A. Hooks analyzed the situation in the country and tried to introduce a state of emergency in the methods provided for by the Constitution. The introduction of a state of emergency was necessary in order to restore the legality in the USSR and stop the disintegration of the Union. By early August 1991, it became clear that it would not be possible to make it legitimate methods: they began to prepare a coup. August 7-15, 1991 V.A. Hooks have repeatedly met with future members of the GCCP. On August 18, observation of the President of the USSR MS was established. Gorbachev, who at that time was on vacation in Crimea, and president of the RSFSR B.N. Yeltsin.

August 18 Vice President of the USSR G.I. Yanaev issued a decree on his entry into the position of President of the USSR. On the same night, the State Emergency Committee was created. It includes the Internet. "Statement of the Soviet leadership." 08/18/1991:

V.S. Pavlov - USSR Prime Minister;

D.T. Yazov - Minister of Defense of the USSR;

V.A. Hooks - Chairman of the KGB of the USSR;

OD Baklanov - Deputy Chairman of the USSR Defense Council;

B.K. Pugo - Minister of Internal Affairs of the USSR;

V.A. Starodubtsev - Chairman of the Peasant Union of the USSR;

A.I. Tyzyakov - President of the Association of State Enterprises of the USSR.

The main objective of the ticks was to "not allow the collapse of the Union", which, in their opinion, was to begin on August 20 during the first stage of the signing of the new Union Treaty, which turns the USSR into a confederation of independent states. It was August 20, the agreement was to sign representatives of the RSFSR and Kazakhstan.

Putchists chose a moment when the president was departing, and announced a temporary removal of him from power for health.

GKCP relied on the forces of the KGB (Alpha), the Ministry of Internal Affairs (Division. Dzerzhinsky) and MO (Tula Division of the Airborne Forces, Taman Division, Kantemirovskaya Division). In total, about 4 thousand servicemen, 362 tanks, 427 armored personnel carriers and BMP were introduced into Moscow. Additional parts of the Airborne Forces were transferred in the vicinity of Leningrad, Tallinn, Tbilisi, Riga "Results of the week" newspaper. Article: "Twenty years after the coup." 08.21.2011 M. Commanded the troops of the Airborne Forces, General Pavel Grachev and his deputy Alexander Lebed. However, the tickrs did not have complete control over their own; So, on the first day, part of the Taman division passed on the side of the defenders of the White House. From the tank of this division uttered his famous message to the gathered supporters of Yeltsin.

Information support was provided by Gosperary (for three days, news releases certainly included the exposure of various acts of corruption and violations of the legality committed under the "reformist course"). The GCCP also enlisted the support of the CPSU Central Committee, but these institutions could not have a noticeable impact on the situation in the country, and to mobilize the part of society that shared the views of the members of the GCCP, the Committee for some reason could not or did not wish.

The resistance of the GCCP led the political leadership of the Russian Federation. At the appeal of the Russian authorities at the House of Soviets of the Russian Federation ("White House") masses of Muscovites gathered, among which were representatives of various social groups - from the democratic public, student youth, intelligentsia and veterans of the Afghan war to the participants of the criminal structures and "small bourgeoisie".

Introduction

Chapter 1. The state of the USSR at the time of decay

1 Economic condition

2 Political state

3 Relations between the USSR, RSFSR and other Union republics

Chapter 2. State Committee for Emergency

1 prerequisites for the creation of GKCP, its composition

3 The consequences of the August coup

4 Evaluation of the GCCP

Conclusion

Bibliography

Attachment 1. Interview with Alexander Cipko

Appendix 2. Comment Valery Homyakova

Appendix 3. Interview Andrei Parsheva

Appendix 4. Annket. What is the GKCP for you?

Appendix 5. Respondents who participated in the survey

Appendix 6. Summary survey data

Introduction

In August 2011, once again recalled the events of 20 years ago - the decay of the greatest power - the USSR.

Two dozen years ago, events occurred, which are interpreted as the "August Patch". These events became a turning point, finally determined the further course of the events and made it impossible to preserve the USSR.

Then in the desperate attempt to save the country of higher Soviet executives who collapsed in their eyes tried to close the control of the power to herself. This attempt ended with defeat. How do these events see us through the prism of the two past decades, and what is the main lesson that we should bear?

Relevance Themes lies in the fact that the events of August 19-21 of 1991 led to a lot of excitement, changes in the life of the country, the entire world community. The collapse of the USSR marked the beginning of the long-term process of changes in world and regional balance sheets: economic, political, military. The entire system of international relations has become less stable and less predictable.

Various sources speak differently. It is difficult to find the capacious historical and political assessment of the events that occurred. This issue seems to be ambiguous and weak. Studying the theme GKCP, I got acquainted with the statements of some political scientists and philosophers of our time: Alexander Cipko, philosopher, publicist; Valery Homyakov, General Director of the National Strategy Council; Andrei Pashev, political analyst, chief editor of the Publishing House "Algorithm".

The purpose of this work is to identify the influence of the events of the country that occurred on August 18-21.

Tasks facing me:

To evaluate the economic and political state of the Union;

To assess the relations of the USSR with other union republics;

Consider the chronicle of the events of the "August Putch" and give them an assessment.

Now consider, directly those, the last years of the existence of the USSR, more precisely the last two dozen of them, where I will try to show the causes of the decay of such a strong state as it was at that time. Consider the events of August 1991, we will give them an assessment.

Chapter 1. The state of the USSR at the time of decay

.1 Economic Condition

In the early 70s, a blow was shown in all attributes of turn to the market economy. The word "market" itself became a sign of unreliability. From the second half of the 70s. The organization of industrial production began to change. Scientific and production associations appeared (NGOs). Their goal was the merger of science and production, which did not actually happen. But during these years, the fusion of the official economy with the shadow - all sorts of semi-commercial and illegal production and trade activities was quickly and successfully accounted for, in which whole enterprises were drawn. The income of the shadow economy was calculated by many billion. By the beginning of the 80s. It became obvious the ineffectiveness of attempts by limited reform of the Soviet system. The country entered into a period of deep crisis.

Due to these and many other reasons for the mid-80s. The possibility of a gradual, painless transition to a new system of social relations in Russia was hopelessly missed. The spontaneous rebirth of the system has changed the entire life procedure of the Soviet society: the rights of managers and enterprises redistributed, departmental, social inequality increased. The nature of the production relations inside the enterprises has changed, labor discipline began to fall, the mass of apathy and indifference, theft, disrespect for honest work, envy to those who earn more. At the same time, out-economic coercion to work remained in the country. The Soviet man, alienated from the distribution of the product produced, has become an artist who does not work on conscience, but forced. The ideological motivation of labor was developed in the post-revolutionary years, together with faith in the close celebration of communist ideals, in parallel, the flow of petrodollars was reduced and the external and domestic duty of the state was reduced.

In the early 80s. Without the exception of the layers of the Soviet society suffered from incompleteness, psychological discomfort was experienced. The intelligentsia wanted genuine democracy and individual freedom.

Most workers and employees need to change themselves with the best organization and wages, a more equitable distribution of public wealth. Part of the peasantry expects to become the genuine owners of their land and their work.

However, ultimately, completely different forces determined the direction and nature of the reform of the Soviet system. These forces were a Soviet nomenclature, which depended on the communist conventions and personal well-being from the official position.

By mid-1991, a very troubled decor was formed in the Soviet Union. Even in the late 1980s, the government "launched a cash machine", the financial and credit mechanism turned out to be expanded, the indicators of national economic activities continued to decline, the budget deficit increased, inflation was intensified, lacked consumer goods. All this led to massive unrest and dissatisfaction of people, an open criticism of the existing political system.

In 1991, there was a fall in production, a decrease in gross national product, oil and coal production, inflation grew into hyperinflation. It became obvious that a deep economic crisis broke out in the country. His permission required and cardinal political changes.

However, inconsistent internal policy, first of all, chaotic economic reforms, led to the deepening of the crisis in all spheres of society and, as a result, to a sharp decline in living standards.

Thus, by the beginning of the 80s. The Soviet totalitarian system actually lost its support in society and ceased to be legitimate. Her collapse becomes a matter of time.

1.2 Political state

The first concrete step on the path of political reform was the decisions of the extraordinary twelfth session of the Supreme Council (Sun) of the USSR (eleventh convocation), held on November 29 - December 1, 1988. These decisions provided for a change in the structure of higher authorities and state administration of the country, entitled to the newly instituted congress of folk Deputies and elected by the USSR aircraft with real power functions, as well as a change in the electoral system, first of all, the introduction of elections on an alternative basis.

the year became the year of radical changes, especially in the political structure of society. The Election Deputies of People's Deputies held in 1989 (March - May) was preceded by an unprecedented election campaign in our country, which began on the outcome of 1988. The possibility of nomination of several alternative candidates (9505 candidates was put forward at 2250 deputies) finally gave Soviet citizens to really choose one of several.

A third of people's deputies were elected from public organizations, which allowed the Communists as the most massive "public organization" at the congress to have a majority. This was stated as an achievement: the share of communists among people's deputies turned out to be 87% against 71.5% of the previous convocation, on the basis of which it was concluded that the authority of the party was confirmed in the conditions of freedom of choice.

In the elections held on March 26, 1989, 1,500 territorial and nationally territorial districts participated 89.8% included in the voter lists. These elections have become a notable shift in the society towards democracy, at least as it seemed. The entire country followed the work of the congress - a decrease in labor productivity has been recorded everywhere.

The first congress of People's Deputies of the USSR (May 25 - June 9, 1989) became a very large political event. Never had such in the history of this country.

The practical results of the congress were a bit, in particular the new USSR sun was elected. Several general regulations were adopted, such as a decision on the main directions of the internal and foreign policy of the USSR.

Discussions at the second congress of People's Deputies of the USSR (December 12-24, 1989) were more businesslike in comparison with the first congress. The second congress received 36 regulatory acts, incl. 5 laws and 26 decisions. One of the central issues of the agenda of the second congress of people's deputies was a discussion of measures to improve the economy. The issue of combating organized crime was discussed. The congress reviewed the reports of the Commission on both foreign policy issues (evaluation of the non-aggression agreement between the USSR and Germany dated August 23, 1939, the political assessment of the input of the Soviet troops in Afghanistan in 1979) and internal political (about the investigative group of GDLAN, about events in Tbilisi April 9, 1989, about privileges).

When the first congress of people's deputies opened, many had their hopes for the best life on him. But, like many hopes of our people, they were not destined to be justified. The first congress is now called "game in democracy". To the second congress, people's interest are already markedly. The people have already become clear that it is impossible to just take and make life better. The reform of the electoral system was the case necessary, but concrete, the people of the people gave a little.

In the summer, in the summer of 1989, reformers in the CPSU gave democrats the opportunity to gain political strength and influence. The situation in the country demanded a decisive development of the course for a mixed economy, to create a legal state and the conclusion of a new Union Treaty. All this objectively worked on the Democrats.

By winter, 1989/90, the political situation has changed significantly. Gorbachev, not without reason fear that the spring elections in the republics will lead to the victory of the radical forces (Democratic Russia, Ruh and others), which immediately - following the example of the Baltic States - will try to take an independent position in relation to the Union Supreme Council headed by him, took a step , against which he and his like-minded people protruded a few months ago. Using his authority in the USSR Supreme Council headed by the Supreme Council, he managed to resist the Interregional Deputy Group to resolve the establishment of the post of President of the USSR. Becoming President, Gorbachev received extensive political authority and thus strongly strengthened his power in the country.

Then the political struggle switched to the state level. There was an actual multipleness, in which allied and republican structures could neither act without regard to each other or agree among themselves. "War of Laws" between the Union and the republics was carried out with varying success and for the winter of 1990/91 reached a peak in connection with the tragic events in the Baltic States, the struggle around the Union and Union budget. All this happened against the background of the rapid collapse of the economy, an interethnic confrontation between the republics and inside them.

As a result, there was another shift in the mindset of society. After democrats came to power in large industrial centers of Russia and Ukraine, a lot of time passed, but the situation continued to worsen. Moreover, democracy was clearly reborn into anarchy. Such sentiments were traded by the Supreme Council of the USSR: in December, he, fearing the unpredictable development of events, delegated to the president additional powers, and at the same time - additional responsibility. Gorbachev, in January of this year, formed a new Cabinet of Ministers, in which the key posts were taken by representatives of the "enlightened" bureaucracy and the military-industrial complex.

Naturally, Gorbachev had to strengthen in power. And in order to ideologically justify their struggle with the old party system, he was forced to proclaim the course to update socialism with his leading and guiding force - the CPSU. At first, in April, personnel permutations began. One after another sent party leaders and republics. The cleaning of the apparatus was led by Egor Kuzmich Ligachev, and in two years he coped with his task - seeded devotees to all key posts.

On this, all party "restructuring" to Gorbachev, as a rule, ended, but the influence of Ligachev in the party has increased so that the Secretary General felt the breath of a competitor in the head. And did not have time to have time to come, as Gorbachev announced that the restructuring continues.

However, the "dump" Ligachev was not so simple, and Gorbachev, in the end, had to create alternative structures in the form of the Supreme Council and the Congress of People's Deputies to keep appators in constant voltage. In the seat on two chairs at once, Gorbachev found undoubted advantage: Partozles could always be filled with democrats, and Democrats - the glory of the CPSU.

The struggle went mainly around two points. The first is a general scenario for the development of restructuring. Will this gradually rotate the established management structures to the market economy and the introduction of state-bureaucratic capitalism "from above"? Or, on the contrary, the elimination of these structures and the natural formation of capitalism "bottom"?

The second nodal moment: since reforms require obviously unpopular measures, then the responsibility for their adoption and all the costs associated with them are assigned, as a rule, on political opponents. Most often, the center was the "Scalest Goat". This manifested, for example, during a political scandal, which broke out in the Supreme Council of Russia, when the Union Government made public about the introduction of contractual prices for a number of goods (in November 1990). Meanwhile, this decision was agreed with B.N. Yeltsin, and with I.S. Silayov. There are also rates when the center itself found a "scapegoat": a five-percent sales tax imposed on the decree of the presidential tax, which expressed from the population's population only for January-February 1991, a little less than a billion (931.5 million) rubles, "dumped" to the Council of Ministers RSFSR.

By the end of 1990, a hopeless situation was established: neither the Communists reformers, no liberals could no longer each separately achieve positive shifts in the economy, politics, social sphere. The main thing - they could not alive to resist the threat of universal anarchy. The first is because they largely lost the support of the people, the second - because after their first victories to paint many of their adherents.

Understanding the need for political compromise was observed both in one and in another camp. The Communists-Reformers in their documents of the second half of 1990 called for civil consent, expressed their willingness to create not just a block of the forces of the "socialist orientation", but to go to the Union with all democratic parties and movements. Their opponents with whom they encountered, coming to power on the local, and in some places and in the republican level, it seems, were also internally ready for cooperation. The idea of \u200b\u200ba compromise with a part of the apparatus and the center and creating strong executive. The idea of \u200b\u200bcivil consent by suspension of the idea of \u200b\u200bthe full dissolution of all political parties by the end of 1990 was popular and fleeing on different flanks of a liberal-democratic movement. A. A. Sobchak, and the leader of the Liberal Democratic Party of Russia V.V. Zhirinovsky. Liberals, apparently, realized that their time expires, and without starting.

The acute crisis of the current political system broke out. Proclaiming the slogan "All Power - Soviets!", The reformers did not even think about the fact that the advice that ceased to be driven belts of the CPSU, unable to organize a normal policy of political development. The press of the CPSSs acutely criticized the "incompetent democrats", not able to establish the work of those tips in which the majority they own. "The incompetent democrats" nodded to the "sabotage" by the apparatus of the executive power, mafia structures. However, the essence of the case is deeper. The political crisis of the end of 1990 - the result is not so much incompetence or sabotage, as a susceptible type of statehood.

Each political force sought to look for his own way out of this crisis. The "state class" reacted painful on him - those layers, the very existence of which was now put on the card. They all more vigorously pushed the President and the Supreme Council of the USSR to establish, authoritarian presidential regime in the nominal Soviet power. Gorbachev, although not without hesitation, was forced to go for it. He needed support, but to get it was nowhere: the CPSU lost mobilization abilities, and with liberals, cooperation did not work out - the inertia of confrontation affected.

However, if it developed - the authoritarian transformation of the regime could hardly be avoided. Because Liberals - in any case, considered the enhancement of the executive power, authoritarian methods of transition to market economy as something long-term, and not as a temporary tactical measure, therefore, strictly speaking, not only by democrats, but also by liberals, they were except in quotes. It was enough to read the draft Constitution of Russia to see: the totalitarian regime is supposed to be replaced by non-universal democracy, but authoritarian authorities. At the same time, however, unlike the Communists-reformers, the liberals aimed at changing the foundation of the political system, to the transformation of Soviet power to the parliamentary republic.

.3 Relations between the USSR, RSFSR and others. Union republics

1990 was marked by a one-way decision of some of the Union republics (primarily Baltic) on the self-determination and creation of independent national states.

Attempts by the Union Center for Economic Measures to influence these decisions, ultimately did not have success. The wave of the proclamation of the sovereignty of the Union republics was rolled, election in their presidents, the introduction of new names. The republics sought to get rid of the dictate of the Center, declaring their independence.

The real danger of unmanaged collapse of the USSR, threatening with unpredictable consequences, forced the center and the republic to seek the way to compromise and agreements. The idea of \u200b\u200bconcluding a new Union Treaty was nominated by the folk fronts of the Baltic States back in 1988. But until mid-1989, she did not find support. At that time, many seemed to many that the contract was not important. Finally, the center "Doser" before the realization of the importance of the Union Treaty only after the "parade of sovereignty" until unrecognizable changed the Union when centrifugal trends scored strength.

political Soviet Emergency

.1 prerequisites for creating a GCCP, its composition

There are various opinions about the reasons for the creation of the GCP, the main of them is:

) fear of persons who are part of the GCCP, lose power;

) Saving the USSR from breakdown.

I would like to believe that the organizers of the GCCP did not move the mercenary intentions, namely patriotism, the desire to preserve the Soviet Union. This version will consider in more detail.

augustus Vice President of the USSR G.I. Yanaev issued a decree on his entry into the position of President of the USSR. On the same night, the State Emergency Committee was created. It includes:

V.S. Pavlov - USSR Prime Minister;

D.T. Yazov - Minister of Defense of the USSR;

V.A. Hooks - Chairman of the KGB of the USSR;

OD Baklanov - Deputy Chairman of the USSR Defense Council;

B.K. Pugo - Minister of Internal Affairs of the USSR;

V.A. Starodubtsev - Chairman of the Peasant Union of the USSR;

A.I. Tyzyakov - President of the Association of State Enterprises of the USSR.

Putchists chose a moment when the president was departing, and announced a temporary removal of him from power for health.

GKCP relied on the forces of the KGB (Alpha), the Ministry of Internal Affairs (Division. Dzerzhinsky) and MO (Tula Division of the Airborne Forces, Taman Division, Kantemirovskaya Division). In total, about 4 thousand servicemen, 362 tanks, 427 armored personnel carriers and BMP were introduced into Moscow. Additional parts of the Airborne Forces were transferred in the vicinity of Leningrad, Tallinn, Tbilisi, Riga. Commanded the troops of the Airborne Forces, General Pavel Grachev and his deputy Alexander Lebed. However, the tickrs did not have complete control over their own; So, on the first day, part of the Taman division passed on the side of the defenders of the White House. From the tank of this division uttered his famous message to the gathered supporters of Yeltsin.

On the night of August 19, 1991, the President of the USSR M.S. Gorbachev was forcibly suspended from power. A group of high-ranking officials formed the State Committee for Emergency Regulations in the USSR (GCCP).

At 6 o'clock in the morning, the USSR mass media announce the introduction of a state of emergency and the inability of the USSR President Mikhail Gorbachev to fulfill its functions "for health state" and the transition of all the completeness of the authorities in the HRC. At the same time, troops were introduced into Moscow and other major cities.

It was announced that "in order to overcome the deep and comprehensive crisis, political, interethnic and civil confrontation, chaos and anarchy, who threaten the lives and our society ... Going towards the requirements of the widest segments of the population about the need to adopt the most decisive measures to overcome the location of society to National catastrophe, ensuring legality and order, introduce a state of emergency in separate localities of the USSR for a period of 6 months from 4 hours in Moscow time August 19, 1991 ... to manage the country and effective implementation of the state of emergency to form the State Committee for Emergency Regulations in the USSR (GCCP THE USSR)..."

The GCCP Resolutions in a number of regions of the country, mainly in the RSFSR, was introduced a state of emergency, rallies, manifestations, strikes were prohibited. The activities of democratic parties and organizations, newspapers were suspected, was established control over the media. In addition, guidance in the country of law enforcement, the fight against corruption, freezing and lower prices, "struggle for the harvest", acceleration of housing construction and other populist actions were prescribed.

At night, Alpha has moved to the dacha of Yeltsin in Arkhangelsk, but did not block it and did not receive instructions to take any actions towards him. Meanwhile, Yeltsin, in an emergency, mobilized all his supporters in the upper echelon of power; Ruslan Hasbulatov, Anatoly Sobchak, Gennady Burbulis, Mikhail Poloranin, Sergei Shahrai, were the most prominent such. The coalition was and sent by fax the appeal "to citizens of Russia". The echoes of the opponents of the Putch became the "Echo of Moscow"

The conviction of Yeltsin GKCP during speech from the Taman division tank at the White House. During the connivance of Alpha, Russian President B.N. Yeltsin arrives at 9 o'clock in the "White House" (Supreme Council of the RSFSR) and organizes the center of resistance to the actions of the GCCP. Resistance takes the form of rallies that are collected in Moscow at the White House on the Krasnopresnenskaya Embankment and in Leningrad on the Mariinsky Square. White house defenders support rock bands ("Time Machine", Cruise, Shah, "Metal Corrosion"), which organize a "rock on barricades" concert. Barricades are erected in Moscow, leaflets are spread. Directly at the White House there is armored vehicles of the Ryazan Regiment of the Tula Division of the Airborne Forces under the command of General-Major Alexander Lebedy and the Taman division. At 12 o'clock from Tank, Yeltsin appeals to the gathered at the rally, where he calls what had happened to the state coup. From the medium of protesters, armed troops of the militias are created under the command of the deputy of Konstantin Kobets. Active participation in the militia is accepted by the Afghan veterans and employees of the private security company "Alex". Yeltsin prepares space for retreat, directing its emissaries to Paris and Sverdlovsk with the right to organize the government in exile.

On the evening of August 19, a press conference of the GCCP took place. The members of the GCCP were noticeably nervous; The whole world bypassed the frames of the shaking hands of the city of Yanaev. A journalist T. Malkin openedly called what was happening "coup", and the words of members of the GCP were more like an excuse.

By order of the GCCP, a preparing was preparing the previously seized building of the Supreme Council of the RSFSR Group of Special Forces of the KGB of the USSR. However, generals responsible for preparing the assault began doubts about appropriateness. Alexander Lebed goes to the side of the defenders of the White House. The commanders of the "Alfa" and "Vimpel" Carpukhin and Bezkov are asking the Deputy Chairman of the KGB Ageev to cancel the operation. The assault was canceled.

In connection with the hospitalization of V. Pavlov, the Temporary Guide to the Council of Ministers of the USSR was assigned to V.H. Doguzhiyev, who did not make any public statements within the coup.

On the night of August 21, tank units controlled by the GCCP are carried out by maneuvers near the White House (the building of the Supreme Council of the RSFSR). There is a skirmish on the Novoarbatsky bridge.

The Alpha Group refuses to take the storming the White House. At 5 am, Yazov gives an order about the withdrawal of troops from Moscow. Day August 21, the session of the Supreme Council of the RSFSR is begins under the chairmanship of Hasbulatov, which almost immediately accepts statements condemning the GCCP. Vice-President of the RSFSR Alexander Rutskaya and Prime Minister Ivan Silay to fly to Foros to Gorbachev. Another aircraft in the Crimea will fly out some members of the GCCP, trying to pour forgiveness. Gorbachev refuses to take them. Politically, the active people gathered in the capital to protect the President of the USSR actually found himself under the direct command of President Yeltsin. By the end of the coup in his speeches, Yeltsin shifts emphasis from protecting the legitimate power of Gorbachev to protect "free Russia".

Mikhail Gorbachev returns from Forros to Moscow along with Rutsk and Silayov on the aircraft Tu-134. The members of the GCCP were arrested. In the literal ether Yeltsin, in the presence of Gorbachev, signs a decree on the suspension of the CPSU's action on the territory of the RSFSR, on his manner, after performing the ticks, depriving the Gorbachev authorities, which the party gave him.

In Moscow, the mourning for the dead. At the Krasnopresnenskaya embankment of Moscow, a mass rally was held, during which the manifestations carried a huge cloth of the Russian tricolor; At the rally, the President of the RSFSR announced that it was decided to make white-lazoevo-red staging with the new state flag of Russia.

2.3 Consequences of the August Pull

Events August 19-21, 1991 changed the country. Perestroika went into the past, as the "revolution from above" as part of the old system with its orientation at times and forever made the socialist choice.

The events of August 1991 accelerated the collapse of the Soviet Union. In August 1991, Ukraine and Moldova, in September - Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Armenia, the Chechen Republic, were declared about its independence, and the independence of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia was recognized, in October, Azerbaijan and Turkmenistan were separated, in December - RSFSR and Kazakhstan.

All attempts by M.S. Gorbachev resume work on signing the new Union Treaty was unsuccessful. Ukraine and Belarus voted for the independence of their republics and abandoned the signing of the Union Treaty. In this situation, the union with other republics lost meaning.

In December 1991, the leaders of Russia, Ukraine and Belarus met in Minsk to agree on the termination of the 1922 Union Treaty and the possibility of creating the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS). December 25 M.S. Gorbachev resigned, the Soviet Union ceased to exist, the flag of the USSR was replaced by the flag of the Russian Federation, began the formation of a new state political system for the likeness of Western Europe.

The collapse of the USSR led to the rupture of most traditional relations between economic entities in the former republics, significantly reduced both in Russia and in other CIS countries the opportunity for economic maneuver financial, industrial, natural and other resources, due to the separation of economic systems and the ubiquitous crisis, associated with the disintegration of the Soviet economy.

In the political sphere, the collapse of the USSR laid the beginning of a long-term process of changing world and regional balance sheets: economic, political, military. The entire system of international relations has become less stable and less predictable. The threat of world, including a nuclear war, however, increased the likelihood of local wars and armed conflicts. The political potential and the influence of Russia compared to the USSR sharply decreased.

In international terms, the collapse of the USSR was accompanied by some positive changes. The outside world has become less afraid of Russia compared to the USSR. The potential to create hostile surroundings with respect to it decreased.

There was a problem of minorities living outside of their National Fatherland. Protection of their interests by the methods of traditional diplomacy in the long term requires integrated strategies.

There is a problem of new borders that can cause exacerbations in relations between states created on the territory of the former Soviet Union, where such a problem did not exist.

The collapse of the USSR did not become a complete act, and initiated a long process of building new independent states. This process is characterized by significant instability.

2.4 Evaluation of the GCCP

To evaluate the events of August 1991, we looked at and now give an assessment of three events.

The first event is the creation of GCCP and those intentions that were proclaimed.

GKCP, his creation and his declarations stated:

1)the previous course, held by Gorbachev, went to a dead end.

This perfectly understood those who opposed the GCCP, but they hoped that defeating the GCCP, they would be able to seize power themselves.

2)Gorbachev is not able to manage the country.

On August 18, Gorbachev refused together with other managers to return to Moscow and personally take part in the guidance of order, he referred to health - whether to radiculitis, or on rheumatism. Thus, formally, the GCCP said the truth, and Yanaev was obliged to begin to fulfill the duties of the president, once Gorbachev evassed from it.

3)The country is on the edge of the abyss and need emergency measures to drag it from there.

Indeed, emergency and decisive measures were needed to overcome the crisis in the country. Someone could scare it. Most were clear that without them - still could not do. Yes, and Yeltsin, taking power in the country, it was the emergency measures that tried to solve the problem. And how could I stop the country on the edge of the catastrophe without emergency measures?

Second Event - GKCP Actions

There are many questions when, we want to evaluate the actions of the GCCP. It is not clear why if the organizers of the GCCP decided to isolate Gorbachev, they left him in their own residence, if he was arrested by the GCCP, how was the first to come to him on August 21 with other representatives of the White House on August 21? If the GKCP introduced a state of emergency in the country (or a number of localities), why did the leaders who could lead to the fight against him were arrested on the night of 18 to 19? Why in the morning of August 19, Yeltsin unhindered, at the direction of Yanaev, were released from his cottage, which is considered to be blocked by Alpha? Why, when the amazed generals called izosa and asked what they actually do next, he gave a strange order: "Get into the city, find the locations of the dislocation and not interfere with the vital activity of Moscow"? Why didn't one of the entered parts receive a practically no intelligible task? Why parts directed to the White House were ordered to "take under protection leadership of the Supreme Council of the RSFSR? Why in the first evening the "Time" program handed over Yeltsin's calls to opposition to the Union Guide, if we consider that all TV buildings have already been filled with KGB officers? Why, when "Echo" Moscow "" called supporters to the White House and was closed by the Moscow KGB, representatives of the Union Government arrived to resume his broadcasting? Why wasn't there any attempts to block or take a white house, and the troops were colorfully rode through the streets of Moscow? If the GKCP introduced into the city of the troops - why did he bring them off?

Giving an assessment, we can say that the actions were strange, indecisive, hazardous and, as a result, led to what such actions could be given to the defeat.

Third - the consequences of the lesion of the GCCP.

The events of August 1991 - the tragedy, the consequences of which are not yet realized to the end. And not all of them we have fully felt on yourself. For example, the geopolitical loss of the collapse of the USSR in the future can repeat our descendants.

Conclusion

In this paper, I turned to the events of 20 years ago, which took place on August 18-21 of 1991. Until now, these events and their consequences are estimated in different ways.

In this paper, I gave an assessment of the economic and political state of the Union of the SSR, reviewed the chronicle of the events of the "August Putch" and gave them an assessment.

martar 1991 held a nationwide referendum, the absolute majority of the participants in favor of the preservation of the USSR. The GCCP became the last, desperate, immigrained attempt to stop the collapse of the Soviet Union.

After August 22, the Union was mounted in a few weeks to pieces and is stolen by local (and even more or rather, to say the township) elites that entrusted in the "new independent" states.

But just remember the story of little. We must be able to conduct analogies. In the 80s of the last century, a "course on restructuring", "acceleration", but all this collapsed, without bringing concrete results, although there was a huge potential in the country. It is impossible to allow today the words "modernization", "national projects" became empty words. The elections held in December 2011, March 2012 showed that political consciousness and political activity are growing in humans. Changes are needed in the political and socio-economic sphere, in the field of international relations. Russian citizens are waiting for change and ready to change themselves.

Bibliography

1."World History: Textbook for universities." Managers of the author's team: Markova A.N., Pole G. B. UNITY 1997

2."Voice of Birobidzhan" newspaper. Article: "GKCP: rehabilitation of intentions" Regional separation of the Jewish Autonomous Region. Chernyakhovsky P. 24.08.2006

."Results of the week" newspaper. Article: "Twenty years after the coup." 08/21/2011

.The Internet. "Statement of the Soviet leadership." 08/18/1991

.The Internet. Article: "Passions on the GCCP: 20 years later,", review of the press "Literary Gazeta", "Today", "Economic Izvestia". 08/19/2011

.Our Age of the newspaper. Article: "20 years later" of the elders Peter. 08/17/2011

.New Russia newspaper. Interview with Sergey Kurginyanaya.01.04.2009

."Russian economy development for 100 years" book. Simcher Vasily. Economy 2007

Attachment 1

Interview with Alexander Cipko

Alexander Tsipko, philosopher, publicist: "Gkchp, in my opinion, this is generally a dramatic moment of Russian history. Then, as in 1917, during an attempt at the coup of General Kornilov, people who have taken responsibility for the fate of the country did not have enough will or determination, nor sequence. After all, to solve their tasks, members of the GCCP were to arrest Yeltsin and all his team, dissolve the congress of people's deputies of the RSFSR. The grounds for accuse this congress in attempts to dismember the country and make a coup, there was plenty. Instead, members of the GCCP behaved inconsistently with respect to Gorbachev, tried to flirt with Yeltsin, were afraid of unpopular solutions. As they destroyed their late attempt to save historical Russia.

The paradox is that the members of the GCCP showed even greater moral weakness than Gorbachev, whom they for these qualifications and tried to shift. They were shaking hands.

We must also note that the leaders of the infamously famous committee tried to save the country, and not the socialist system. I knew the late Soviet Premier Valentina Pavlov. He did not believe in any advantages of the socialist system, was a market man and reformer "

Appendix 2.

USSR Vice President Gennady Yanaev, Prime Minister USSR Valentin Pavlov, Minister of Internal Affairs of the USSR Boris Pugo, Minister of Defense of the USSR Dmitry Yazov, Chairman of the KGB of the USSR Vladimir Kryuchkov, First Deputy Chairman of the USSR Defense Council Oleg Baklanov, Chairman of the Peasant Union of the USSR Vasily Starodubtsev, President of the State Association enterprises and objects of industry, construction, transport and communications of the USSR Alexander Tiazkov.

They were actively supported by the Deputy Minister of Defense of the USSR, the Goland of the Ground Forces Valentine Varennikov; Head of the President of the USSR President Valery Boldin; Member of Politburo and Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU Oleg Shenin; Head of the President of the USSR President Vyacheslav Generals; Head of the KGB Security Office of the USSR Yuri Plekhanov, Chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR Anatoly Lukyanov and some others.

Gkchp relied on the strength of the KGB (Alpha), the Ministry of Internal Affairs (Division. Dzerzhinsky) and MO (the Tula Division of the Airborne Forces, Taman Motorized Relice Division, Kantemirovskaya Division).

Information support to the offenders provided guestReadio.

The nominal head of conspirators was the Vice-President of the USSR Gennady Yanaev.

On August 19, 1991, the day before the signing of the new Union Treaty, the media passed the "statement of the Soviet leadership", which "in connection with the impossibility of the state of the fulfillment by Gorbachev Mikhail Sergeyevich, the duties of the USSR president," in accordance with Article 127.7 of the USSR Constitution of the President of the President The SSR Union is moving to Vice President Gennady Yanaev, an emergency situation is introduced in separate localities of the USSR for a period of 6 months from 4 am Moscow time on August 19, 1991, and the State Committee for Emergency Regulations in the USSR (GCCP of the USSR) is formed.

The decree of the SCPP No. 1 prescribed to suspend the activities of political parties, public organizations, forbade rallies, street processions. Resolution No. 2 forbade the release of all newspapers, except for the workpaper "Labor", "Working Tribune", "Izvestia", "True", "Red Star", "Soviet Russia", "Moscow Pravda", "Leninsky Banner", "Rural Life ".

Almost all television programs have stopped.

The President of the USSR Mikhail Gorbachev, at that time was on vacation in the Crimea, was isolated on the government dacha in Foros.

On the morning of August 19, troops and military equipment took the nodal points on highways leading to the center of Moscow, and surrounded the area adjacent to the Kremlin. Several tens of tanks close to the House of the Supreme Council and the Government of the RSFSR on the Krasnopresnenskaya Embankment (White House).

In total, about 4 thousand servicemen, 362 tanks, 427 armored personnel carriers and BMP were introduced into Moscow. Additional parts of the Airborne Forces were transferred in the vicinity of Leningrad, Tallinn, Tbilisi, Riga.

The response was mass demonstrations and protest rallies in Moscow, Leningrad and a number of other cities of the country.

Putchists' resistance was headed by the President of the RSFSR Boris Yeltsin and the leadership of Russia. Yeltsin signed decrees No. 59 and No. 61, where the creation of the GCCP was qualified as an attempt of the state coup; The allied executive bodies, including the power structures, were reconciled by the President of the RSFSR.

The GKCP resistance center was the House of Soviets of the RSFSR (White House). According to the Russian authorities, the White House has gathered masses of Muscovites, among which were representatives of various social groups from a democratically mindful public, student youth, intelligentsia to war veterans in Afghanistan.

On the first day, the part of the Taman Division passed on the side of the defenders of the White House.

Boris Yeltsin, standing on the tank, read out "appeal to citizens of Russia," in which the actions of the GCCP "reactionary, anti-constitutional coup" and called on citizens of the country "to give a worthy answer to the offenders and demand to return the country to normal constitutional development." The appeal was signed by the President of the RSFSR Boris Yeltsin, Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the RSFSR Ivan Silay, Chairman of the Supreme Council of the RSFSR Ruslan Hasbulatov.

On the evening of August 19, a press conference of the GCC members was shown on television. It was absent Valentin Pavlov, who developed hypertensive crisis. The members of the GCCP were noticeably nervous; The whole world bypassed the shots of the shaking hands of Gennady Yanayev.

A volunteer detachments of defenders for defense of the building from the storming of government troops gathered around the White House.

On the night of August 21, in the underground transport tunnel at the intersection of the Kalininsky Avenue (now the street, New Arbat) and the Garden Ring (Tchaikovsky Street), crashed by armored vehicles, during maneuvering, three civilians were killed: Dmitry Komstruy, Vladimir Usov and Ilya Krychevsky.

For three days it became clear that the Society was not supported by the Society.

On the morning of August 21, the conclusion of troops from Moscow began, at 11 o'clock 30 minutes the emergency session of the Supreme Council of the RSFSR took place.

The session instructed Prime Minister of the RSFSR Ivan Silayev and Vice President of the RSFSR Alexander Rutskomu to go to the President of the USSR Mikhail Gorbachev and free it from isolation. On August 22, the USSR President Mikhail Gorbachev and his family returned to Moscow by the Tu-134 Plane of the Russian leadership.

All members of the GCCP (with the exception of the committed life of Boris Pugo's suicide) and helped them the Deputy Minister of Defense General of the Army Army Valentine Varennikov, as well as a number of other figures (including the Chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR Anatoly Lukyanov). They were charged under Article 64 of the Criminal Code of the RSFSR (treason of the Motherland).

On February 23, 1994, the members of the GCCP were released from prison on amnesty announced by the State Duma.

Material prepared on the basis of open sources information

) - the self-proclaimed state administration body in the USSR, consisting of representatives of the management of the Central Committee of the CPSU and the Government of the USSR, which carried out on August 18-21, 1991 attempted to resist M.S. Gorbachev from the post of President of the USSR, the seizure of power in the country, changing the political course. The August 1991 events ended with the arrest of the members of the GCCP predetermined the collapse of the USSR.

The political and economic crisis, which experienced the USSR since the late 1980s, threatened the existence of a socialist building in the Soviet state, the hegemony of the Communist Party in Him, the unity of the country. Part of the Soviet leadership saw the causes of negative phenomena in the restructuring policies and publicity, which was held by the USSR President and Secretary General of the Central Committee of the CPSU M.S. Gorbachev. In their opinion, inconsistency, excessive liberalism, the carelessness of Gorbachev led to the fact that the frank enemies of socialism were able to deploy a wide protest movement in the USSR, to weaken the state discipline, paralyzing the effectiveness of the force structures.

USSR GKCP Vice-President of the USSR Gennady Ivanovich Yanaev (Chairman of the GCCP), Prime Minister of the USSR Valentin Sergeevich Pavlov, First Deputy Chairman of the USSR Defense Council Oleg Dmitrievich Baklanov, Chairman of the KGB of the USSR Vladimir Alexandrovich Khoochkov, Minister of Internal Affairs of the USSR Boris Karlovich Pugo, Minister Defense of the USSR Dmitry Timofeevich Yazov, President of the Association of State Enterprises and Objects of the Industry, Construction, Transport and Communication of the USSR, Alexander Ivanovich Peiakov, Chairman of the Peasant Union of the USSR Vasily Aleksandrovich Starodubtsev. August 18, 1991 President of the USSR M.S. Gorbachev by the forces of specially created power groups was isolated in his residence in Foros (Crimea), where he was with his family on vacation.

On the morning of August 19, the members of the GCCP made a television appeal, announced the introduction of a state of emergency for six months, entering the troops to Moscow, the introduction of censorship in the media and the prohibition of a number of these, the abolition of a number of constitutional rights and freedoms of citizens. However, there were no effective measures to ensure the regime of emergency. This allowed the enemies of the GCCP, first of all, the leadership of the RSFSR led by B.N. Yeltsin, the city authorities of Moscow and Leningrad, organize powerful resistance. By calling the Russian authorities, the House of Soviets of the Russian Federation (White House) gathered masses of Muscovites, among which were representatives of different social groups: a democratically mindful public, student youth, intelligentsia, the veterans of the Afghan war. The actions of the GCCP were qualified as a coup. On August 21, 1991, all members of the GCCP were arrested, with the exception of the USSR Minister of Internal Affairs of Boris Pugo.

In addition to members of the GCC, they were brought to criminal liability of persons who, according to the investigation, actively contributed to the GCCP. Among them were the chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR A.I. Lukyanov, Member of Politburo Central Committee CPSS O.S. Shenin, First Secretary of the Moscow City Council of the CPSU Yu.A. Prokofiev, General Army V.I. Varennikov, Head of the General Department of the Central Committee of the CPSU V.I. Boldin, Head of President of the USSR V.T. Medvedev, Deputy Chairman of the KGB of the USSR G.E. Ageev, Head of the Security of the Residence in Foros V.V. Generals. Publicly supported the GCCP leader of the liberal-democratic party V.V. Zhirinovsky, but he was not attracted to justice, because he did not occupy any state position.

The actions of the members of the GCCP and their supporters were considered by the investigation, but did not receive a legal assessment, since in 1994 all the arrested members of the GCP were amnestied before the court. Before the court voluntarily appeared not only in the committee of V.I. Varennikov, who was justified.

Events held from 18 to 21 August 1991, under which an attempt was made by the state coup, was named Augustus cough. During this period, the top leadership of the USSR was blocked by President Gorbachev, with a further introduction of a state of emergency in the country, and the Country Management was taken by the CCIP created by the "courses".

What is the "August Patch" and "GKCP"?

The GCCP (State Committee for Emergency Regulation) is an organ (most often mentioned in the form of an abbreviation), which was created by the highest leadership of the USSR.

The GCCP was planned to implement their goals by introducing a state of emergency in the country and blocking Gorbachev at the cottage in the Crimea. At the same time, troops and special forces of the KGB were introduced into Moscow.

The GCCP included almost all the leaders of the highest echelon power:

Yanaev Gennady Ivanovich (Vice-President of the USSR, Acting President of the USSR from August 19 to 21, 1991).

Baklanov Oleg Dmitrievich (First Deputy Chairman of the USSR Defense Council).

Hooks Vladimir Alexandrovich (Chairman of the KGB of the USSR).

Pavlov Valentin Sergeevich (Prime Minister of the USSR).

Pugu Boris Karlovich (Minister of Internal Affairs of the USSR).

Yazov Dmitry Timofeevich (Minister of Defense of the USSR).

Starodubtsev Vasily Aleksandrovich (member of the CPSU Central Committee).

Tyzyakov Alexander Ivanovich (President of the Association of State Enterprises and the associations of industry, construction, transport and communication of the USSR).

As can be seen from the list of participants, the management of the GCCP is the first persons of the state that the hierarchy goes immediately for Gorbachev, in this way it can be assumed that even his closest associates in his post were unhappy with the activities of Gorbachev. Despite the fact that the Vice-President of Yanaev began to the duties of the president, the actual head of the process was the chairman of the KGB - hooks.

The period of the so-called activities of the GCCP was officially regarded and named as the August Patch.

Attempts by the GCCP to seize power turned out to be unsuccessful, already on August 22, all members of this committee were arrested, and legal president began to fulfill his duties.

The political and state crisis in the USSR by 1991 reached its apogee, according to many experts, the state inevitably remained a few months, because there was a lot, even without the creation of the GCCP, which actually performed the country's decay catalyst.

Until now, there is no consensus in society about the GCCP and the August Putch. Someone believes that it was an attempt of the state coup, with the aim of seizing power, and someone - that it was the last desperate attempt to save the Soviet Union from a clearly upcoming collapse.

Objectives of the GCCP

At that time, no one had a doubt that the policy of "restructuring" Gorbachev was clearly failing. The standard of living in the country has deteriorated significantly: prices constantly grew, the money was depreciated, and in the stores there was a huge shortage of all types of goods. In addition, the control of the "Center" over the republics weakened: the President was already "his" president, and protest moods went to the Baltic republics.

The goals of the GCCP, in fact, can be divided into two groups: to state and political. The state purposes relate to prevent the collapse of the USSR, to political - improving the standard of living of the population. Consider these goals in more detail.

State goals

Initially "Putchists" wanted to preserve the integrity of the USSR. The fact is that on August 20, it was planned to sign a new Union Treaty between the republics belonging to the USSR, which suggested the establishment of a confederation between these states (the Union of Sovereign States), which, in fact, meant the actual collapse of the USSR and the formation of a new union on the basis of independent republics . This is exactly what they wanted to prevent "GCCPists", which was given such a new contract, we can see on the example of the CIS, with the creation of which the Soviet Union and the republics broke up independently of each other.

Some historians believe, the main goal of the GCCP was to preserve their own positions, since when signing the new Union Agreement, their powers or at all will actually be abolished. Nevertheless, after the failure of the Putch, Yanaev argued that members of the GCC did not hold themselves for their positions.

Political goals

The political goals of the GCCP were to carry out economic and social reforms. The people are tired of severe life and really very much changed, as he sang in a popular song by V. Tsoi. The standard of living was inexorably fell, the crisis covered almost all the areas of the life of the USSR, and the only way out of the current situation, according to "Putchists", was a displacement from Gorbachev's post and a change in the country's political course.

Gkchp promised to freeze and reduce prices, as well as distribute land plots of 15 acres for free. As such a plan of action and economic steps, the GCCP did not voiced, most likely, they simply were not simply actions.

Course of events

The events of the August coup unfolded as follows.

During his vacation, in the city of Foros to the state. The dacha, on the instructions of the "Putchists" by the staff of specially created divisions, the President of the USSR Gorbachev was blocked, while he was disabled all channels of communication.

From 8 o'clock in the morning, the radio speakers read the message that the USSR President Gorbachev cannot fulfill his duties, and these powers are transferred to the Vice-President of the USSR Yanaev. Also, the statement was also stated on the introduction of a state of emergency on the territory of the USSR and a GCCP is formed to efficiently manage the country.

All television broadcasts are canceled on the central television and concerts, including the famous ballet "Swan Lake", are canceled. The broadcast of other channels is disabled. The radio station "Echo of Moscow" is broadcast to Moscow.

The suburban dacha of the President of the RSFSR Yeltsin is surrounded by the staff of the Alpha division. As soon as he learns about the creation of the GCCP and about the attempts of the state. The coup - decides to go to the White House. The Alfa commander gives the team to release Yeltsin from the cottage to Moscow, but this decision was essentially fatal for the GCCP.

Upon arrival in Moscow, Yeltsin and other leaders of the RSFSR give a press conference, on which the GCCP does not recognize, calling them to the revolution, and urge everyone to a universal strike. People begged to the white house. Yeltsin's statement to Moscow broadcasts the radio station "Echo of Moscow".

In the meantime, "Putchists" send a tank battalion to the White House, which, without receiving the command of further orders, after negotiations and the psychological pressure of the crowd, passes towards the side of the people and Yeltsin. Then there is a sign historical event: Yeltsin with one of the tanks read the appeal to citizens, in which he declares the illegality of the GCCP and their decrees, that Gorbachev is blocked at the cottage and must speak to the people, convenes the Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR, and also calls for an universal strike.

The gathered people build barricades of trolley buses and girlfriend metal objects in order to block the approach to the white house of heavy military equipment.

In the evening, the GCCP holds a press conference, which is more like an excuse for his actions than any statements. On video, it is clearly seen that the "tricks" are worried. You can see this press conference below.

From the evening release of the news program "Time" Country learns about the events. Already then it becomes clear that the coup from the "Putchists" does not work.

In the morning, people are tightened to the White House, where there is a 200 thousand rally against the state coup. In the evening, demonstrators are preparing for the assault. In Moscow, the curfew is introduced. Alfa special forces refuses to carry out an order of assault. As a result of the tank assault, three people die of civilians. Attempting the assault failed.

Understanding the failure of the GCCP, the members of his committee decided to go to Gorbachev to Foros, but they refuse to accept them. Along with this, representatives of the RSFSR will fly out in Foros for Gorbachev.

At 00:04 Gorbachev flies to Moscow, these personnel have also become historical. After that, he reads the appeal to the people on television.

Then Gorbachev holds a press conference, which gives an evaluation of events. After this press conference, the GCCP is actually eliminated and the August Patch is completed.

At the rally on August 22, the protesters decide to make the Flag of the RSFSR pre-revolutionary tricolor: white, red, blue flag. And at midnight, a monument to Dzerzhinsky installed opposite the KGB was dismantled at the request of the protesters.

After these events, the statehood of the USSR begins to actively collapse, with the declaration of independence by Ukraine, then these process processes of independence rolled in a snowball.

All participants and accomplices of the GCCP were arrested. In 1993, the lawsuit began over them, which was almost over the amnesty. The general of the Army of Varennikov refused to amnesty, but was justified, since the court did not progress in his actions of criminal actions.

About the events of this period have a lot of documentary films. The video came of those days you can view in this video.

Fragment of the transfer of a day, dedicated to the August coup.