In the summer of 1996, the period of stay of B. Yeltsin expired as president of Russia. The results of his presidency were as follows. The volume of industrial production decreased by more than 2 times. The most profound was a decline in mechanical engineering. For example, the capacity for the production of tractors and combine harvesters were loaded in 1996 by only 5-8%, so the supply of tractors to agriculture was only 6.2% of the 1988 level, and grain combines - 0.1 %.

The volume of agricultural products has decreased over the years of reforms by 40%. The country has lost food independence: 40% of food has been completed. Grain production for 5 years of reforms decreased by 45%. The livestock population has decreased by 1.5 times - the number of pigs, goats and sheep. Despite the export of food increased 3-4 times, the country was in the 40th place in the world in terms of food consumption.

There was a sharp drop in the potential of the defense industry and the combat capability of all types of armed forces.

It would seem that with the results of the first presidency of Yeltsin there was nothing to think about the fight for the second. However, the parliamentary elections of December 1995, who became a kind of rehearsal of the presidential elections, showed that the new Russian elite had no strong alternative to Yeltsin.

As already noted, the main party of "radical reformers" - the party "Democratic choice of Russia" could not overcome the 5% barrier. Consequently, the right could not make a real presidential candidate of one of their leaders. The "Apple" movement led by Yavlinsky scored 8.5% of the votes, which indicated the absence of real chances and Yavlinsky. The modest result in the elections received the movement "Our House - Russia", headed by V. Chernomyrdin (10% of the votes for the party list), which also spoke about his inability to attract voters. Under these conditions, the political and financial elite of Russia decided to unite around Yeltsin.

The required prerequisite for success in the elections was this or that decision chechen problem. D. Dudaev did not go on a compromise, but on April 21, he was killed by a rocket released from the Russian aircraft. On May 27, B. Yeltsin and the new Chechen leader Z. Yangarbiev signed an agreement on the cessation of hostilities. On May 28, the Russian president flew to Chechnya and, speaking to the 205th Brigade of the 205th Brigade, said: "The war ended. Victory for you. You won the rebellious Dudayevsky regime. " There was a phased conclusion of Russian troops.

The election campaign of Yeltsin was built on the use of modern technologies for the formation of public opinion and conducted under the slogans "Vote in the heart", "Vote, and then lose." These slogans had a great meaning. The slogan "Votinate Heart" was designed to distract voters from a rational analysis of what Yeltsin promised when elected to the presidency in 1991 and that he really did in 5 years. The slogan "Vote, and then lose." It was called upon to attract the voices of young people. This part of the electorate saw a person in Yeltsin, capable of everyone to arrange such a life, which beautiful and rich heroes of foreign television serials were.

The success of the election campaign depended on total control over electronic media and attracting popular figures from all spheres of public life. Hundreds of leading representatives of the showubusiness, directors, artists of the theater and cinema, pop stars were used daily in a huge performance, designed to convince Russians in the fact that it is better than Yeltsin, in Russia there can be no president.

In the first round of the presidential election, held on June 16, 1996, 75, 7 million of Voters took part in 108.5 million of the voting rights, 26, 7 million voters voted, or 35.78% of persons participating in voting. He was ahead of all his rivals. The second place was released by the CPRF Zyuganov, for which 24.2 million voters voted. The third result received General Swan, who also sharply criticized the former reform course (10.9 million votes).

Yeltsin and Zyuganov came to the second round. On the eve of the second round, the propaganda line was urgently corrected. The population began to convince that the arrival of Zyuganov in the current situation would worsen the economic situation (the West will cease to help), and then lead to a civil war, since those who have seized their property in previous years will not stop neither before to keep it. On July 3, 40.2 million people voted in the second round of Yeltsin., Or 50.8% of those who took part in the voting. Zyuganov received 30.1 million votes. As a result, Yeltsin again became president. At the same time, the country did not know that the fourth infarction had passed between the election tours of Yeltsin. On November 5, he was operated on the heart. He made the first walk after surgery at the end of December.

In August, a representative of President General A. Lebed signed with Maskhadov (Head of the Main Staff of the Ichkeria Armed Forces) in Khasavyurt Agreement on the termination of hostilities and the conclusion of Russian troops from Chechnya. The decision on the status of Chechnya was postponed until 2001, the parties agreed to build a relationship between Russia and Chechnya on the principles of international law. Chechen commanders interpreted the agreement as recognition of the independence of Chechnya and as their victory. By December, Russian troops left Chechnya limits. According to estimates of the State Statistics Committee of the Russian Federation as a result of the war in Chechnya, 30-40 thousand people died in Chechnya, most of them are civilians.

The economic results of 1996 looked like this: the volumes of GDP and industrial production decreased by respectively by 6 and 5%, agricultural products - by 7%. Economic growth promised from the fall of 1992, did not happen again.

Presidential elections in Russia (1996)

		Presidential elections in Russia
	Voter turnout:	69.8% in the first round, 69.4% in the second
	Candidate:	Boris Yeltsin	Gennady Zyuganov	Alexander Lebed
		self-nomination
		(35,28 %)	(32,03 %)	(14,52 %)
		(53,82 %)	(40,31 %)
	Candidate:	Grigory Yavlinsky	Vladimir Zhirinovsky	against all
		(7,34 %)	(5,70 %)	(1,54 %)

	Other candidates:	Vladimir Bryntsalov, Yuri Vlasov, Mikhail Gorbachev, Svyatoslav Fedorov, Martin Shakkum
	Election Result:	Boris Yeltsin re-elected by Russian President for a second term

Election of the President of Russiait was appointed on June 16, 1996 in accordance with the transitional provisions of the Constitution of Russia and in connection with the expiration of the term of office of the President of Russia B. N. Yeltsin, elected in 1991 by the President of Russia (RSFSR). The only, for 2012, presidential elections in Russia, where two rounds needed to determine the winner. The elections were held on June 16 and July 3, 1996 and was distinguished by the acute political struggle between candidates.

The main competitors were the current President of Russia B. N. Yeltsin and the leader of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation G. A. Zyuganov. According to the results of the second round, B. Yeltsin scored more than 50 percent of the votes and was re-elected for a second term.

Presidential elections in Russia (1996)

The situation before the election and the beginning of the election campaign

The elections were appointed by the decision of the Council of the Federation in December 1995, a few days before the completion of the elections to the State Duma of the second convocation. According to the results of elections to the State Duma, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (22 percent), the second - LDPR (12 percent), and the President "Our House - Russia" movement, supported by the president (10 percent), was published. By that time, Russian President Yeltsin has lost its former popularity due to the failures of economic reforms, failures during the Chechen war and corruption scandals in its surroundings, ratings showed its popularity at 8-9 percent.

Stankevich, Sergey Borisovich argued that A. A. Sobchak was considered as a democratic candidate for the presidency of Russia in the 1996 elections instead of Yeltsin, however, "closer to December 1995 he (Sobchak) finally refused this idea ... they had This topic is a personal conversation with Yeltsin, during which Sobchak understood: "Yeltsin will go for a second term, no matter what."

Closer to the new year, Yeltsin's subscription campaigns started, then and other candidates. The law that actually demanded to collect in support of each candidate a million signatures, but allowed to collect signatures in support of the candidate without his consent. In support of Yeltsin, about 10 initiative groups were formed. Yeltsin did not give any consent to the nomination for a long time, announced his positive decision only on February 15. On the same day, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation put forward his leader Zyuganov a candidate for the president of Russia. At the time of the nomination of both candidates, Zyuganov on the rating was significantly ahead of Yeltsin, but the gap between them was gradually reduced. Later, other candidates were prompted.

Director of the Foundation "Public Opinion" Alexander Oson, who worked at the headquarters of Yeltsin (as part of the analytical group, led by A. B. Chubais and V. V. Ilyushin), in 2006 he wrote that the victory of Yeltsin was ensured by the use of "political technologies" . In early 1996, Yeltsin had a very low level of support among the population: "In February, when he still declared his participation in future elections, his defeat seemed imminent." According to surveys, 30% of the population expressed complete agreement with the statement "With the Communists, everything was better, I wanted (-Ah), so that everything became old," and another 33% partially agreed with this. According to Oslon, in February, at the World Economic Forum in Davos Zyuganov, they met as an obvious favorite of the elections and the future president of Russia. In March 1996, Yeltsin, as Oson writes, there were three possible lines of behavior: to prepare for the election headquarters formed by politicians and officials (which, according to Oslon, would again lead to an amazing as in the case of the NDR in the elections in the State Duma) ; follow the advice of a group of a number of approximated and cancel elections, declaring a state of emergency; To respond to the proposal of a group of large businessmen (called in the media and society "oligarchs") and transfer the campaign to political technologists (as "elections" are made in the West). Yeltsin chose the third option and adhered to it to the end, despite the extreme exacerbation of the situation between the first and second rounds. The analytical group, which was headed by A. Chubais, was created. In the activities of this group and the election headquarters, the influential representative of the Yeltsin family was actively involved - his daughter Tatyana Dyachenko.

In early April, large-scale studies have been taken, engaged in both the population and mass social groups (gender, age-related, qualifications, professional, settlement, regional and electoral). Studies should have identified the basic "pain points", considered by the population as a whole and its individual groups as acute social problems. Based on the analysis of polls, the analytical group has taken the most important decisions. The pre-election campaign developed by the Candidate of Yeltsin, developed by the Candidate Scenario, soon began to give results - its rating began to grow.

US President Bill Clinton spoke of Yeltsin: "I want to wore this guy in madness."

Presidential elections in Russia (1996)

Candidates

The Central Election Commission was registered 78 initiative groups on the nomination of presidential candidates. However, only 16 groups required by law 1 million of voters passed. The CEC, according to the results of the signatures, registered 9 candidates, was still denied seven. Six of them appealed the refusal of CEC in the Supreme Court, the court ruled to register two.

Candidates put forward by political movements and initiative groups

	Candidate	Position	Party (movement)
		(at the time of extension)
	MAVSAR Aduev	editor of the newspaper "World	independent	did not collect the necessary number
		democratic Union "		signatures
	Anatoly Akinin	director of ICP "diversified	independent	did not collect the necessary number
		industrial Association Acrin "		signatures
	Vladimir	pensioner	independent	did not collect the necessary number
				signatures
	Alexander	chairman of the National Association	National Labor Party	did not collect the necessary number
	Alekseev	russian trade unions		signatures
	Victor Anpilov	chairman of the RCR		supported Zyuganov
	Alexander	chairman of the Council RNU		supported Yeltsin
	Barkashov
	Tamara Bazyleva	president of the Concern "Ecology of Man"	independent	did not collect the necessary number
				signatures
	Vladimir	first Deputy Chairman	independent	did not collect the necessary number
	Borovkov	central Council Entry		signatures
	Konstantin		Party of Economic Freedom	supported Yavlinsky
	Vladimir	entrepreneur, State Duma Deputy	Russian Socialist Party	in registration, refused
	Bryntsalov			appealed in the Supreme Court
	Alexander	leader "Peace with God"	independent	did not collect the necessary number
	Vasilyev			signatures
	Yury Vlasov	writer	People's Patriotic Party	registered
	Andrei Volkov	unemployed	independent	did not collect the necessary number
				signatures
	Arkady Volsky	president of RSPP	independent	supported Yeltsin
	Vladimir	pensioner	National Revival Movement	did not collect the necessary number
				signatures
	Egor Gaidar	deputy State Duma	Democratic choice of Russia	supported Yeltsin
		president of Gorbachev-Fund	independent	registered
	Gorbachev
	Boris Gromov	deputy State Duma	My Fatherland	refused to run away
	Nikolai Dalsky	foundation President "General Consent"	independent	supported Yeltsin
	Boris Yeltsin	President of Russian Federation	independent	registered
	Vladimir	deputy State Duma		registered
	Zhirinovsky

Presidential elections in Russia (1996)
	Andrei Zapouie	president of the Concern "Gland"	Russian Republican Party	did not collect the necessary number
				signatures
	Valery Zorkin	judge of the Constitutional Court of the Russian	independent	refused to run away
		Federation
	Sergey Zyryanov	president ICP "Life"	independent	did not collect the necessary number
				signatures
	Gennady	deputy State Duma		registered
	Leonid Kazakov	economic Affairs Advisor	independent	did not collect the necessary number
		foundation "Protection"		signatures
	Jan Koltunov	pensioner	Party of victims from the authorities and	did not collect the necessary number
			onceth	signatures
	Vladislav.	entrepreneur	independent	did not collect the necessary number
	Kuznetsov			signatures
	Alexander	deputy State Duma	Congress of Russian communities	registered
	Alexander	president of the Russian-Finnish joint venture "Union	independent	did not collect the necessary number
		passenger cars "		signatures
	Nikolay Lysenko	chairman of the NRPR		supported Zyuganov
	Andrei Lychakov	director of the Environmental Center "Ozone"	independent	did not collect the necessary number
				signatures
	Sergey Mavrodi.	president of JSC MMM	independent	in registration denied
	Nikolay Maslov	chairman of the Party of People's Consent	Party of People's Consent	did not collect the necessary number
				signatures
	Vladimir	chairman of the Russian Party	Russian Party	did not collect the necessary number
	Mercy			signatures
	Vladimir	director of Inyrcon	independent	did not collect the necessary number
				signatures
	Boris Nemtsov	governor of the Nizhny Novgorod region	independent	refused to run away
	Vyacheslav Onegin	chairman of LLP "Firm" MOL ""	independent	did not collect the necessary number
				signatures
	Vladimir	member of the Federation Council	independent	in registration, refused
	Podgora			confirmed by the Supreme Court
	Alexey Popov	researcher of the Mir enterprise	independent	did not collect the necessary number
				signatures
	Valery Popov	director of the Scientific Center "Earth"	independent	did not collect the necessary number
				signatures
	Peter Romanov	state Duma Deputy, Director of Chemical Combine	Assembly	supported Zyuganov
		"Yenisei"	national-democratic and
			patriotic forces
	Nikolay Ruzavin		independent	did not collect the necessary number
				signatures
	Alexander Rutskaya	chairman of the Movement Movement		supported Zyuganov
	Marat Sabirov	president of the International League	independent	did not collect the necessary number
		global consent concepts		signatures
	Alexander	president of the Agrotechprom	People's Patriotic Union	did not collect the necessary number
				signatures

Presidential elections in Russia (1996)
	Viktor Semenov	unemployed	independent	did not collect the necessary number
				signatures
	Anatoly Sidorov	director of the Institute of Economics and	independent	did not collect the necessary number
		entrepreneurship		signatures
	Vyacheslav Silav	president of the Center for Spiritual Update	Union of the Creative Forces of Russia	did not collect the necessary number
		Russia "Seventh Ray"		signatures
	Sergey Skvortsov	chief editor of the "People's Gazeta"		did not collect the necessary number
				signatures
	Valery Smirnov	chairman of the Executive Committee FTS.	Front of national salvation	did not collect the necessary number
				signatures
	Mikhail Smirnov		independent	did not collect the necessary number
				signatures
	Vladimir	head of the creative group	independent	did not collect the necessary number
	Soloviev	"Pushkin" CJSC "Union" Mals ""		signatures
	Anatoly Stankov	deputy Mos City Duma	independent	did not collect the necessary number
				signatures
		deputy State Duma	independent	in registration, refused
	Starovoitova			confirmed by the Supreme Court
	Sergey Sulakshin	deputy State Duma	independent	did not collect the necessary number
				signatures
	Artyom Tarasov	advisor to the confederation of trade unions	independent	in registration, refused
		"Consolidation"		confirmed by the Supreme Court
	Stanislav	chairman of the "Union of Officers"	independent	supported Zyuganov
		chairman of Finland LLP	Anti-Communist People's Party	did not collect the necessary number
	Terentyev			signatures
	Sergey Tukhtabiyev	president of the International Foundation	independent	did not collect the necessary number
		the development of small nations and ethnic		signatures
	Aman Tuleyev	chairman of the Legislative Assembly		registered, removed his
		Kemerovo region		candidacy, supported
				Zyuganova
	Lion Wozko	chairman of the Conservative Party	Conservative Party of Russia	in registration, refused
				confirmed by the Supreme Court
	Vyacheslav Ushakov	president of Moscow OJSC	independent	in registration, refused
		investment fund"		confirmed by the Supreme Court
	Boris Fedorov	deputy State Duma	Go Russia	supported Yeltsin
	Svyatoslav	ophthalmologist, State Duma deputy	Party of self-government of workers	registered
	Viktor Fedosov	director of ATULLA LLC	Union of Soviet Stalinist	did not collect the necessary number
				signatures
	Sergey Fomintsev	director of CJSC FOMINTSEVA	independent	did not collect the necessary number
				signatures
	Oleg Khabarov	director of the Interoson Consortium	independent	did not collect the necessary number
				signatures
	Irina Khakamada	deputy State Duma	Common cause	did not collect the necessary number
				signatures

In February 2012, a subsecable topic was emerged about allegedly falsified presidential elections in 1996. Then the current head of State Dmitry Medvedev at a closed meeting in the slings with representatives of the opposition said: "It is unlikely that anyone has doubts who won the elections of the 1996 president. It was not Boris Nikolayevich Yeltsin. "

Medvedev's words announced the chairman of the Russian Nationwide Union Sergey Baburin, they were confirmed by another number of persons attended at the meeting. True, in the official Kremlin they disavowed the statement of the president, noting that it was understood completely different.

According to some political scientists, MEDVEDEV meant that it was not Yeltsin then, but the oligarchs. Nevertheless, the public began to actively discuss this topic, trying to find new evidence of the dishonesty of the 1996 elections and nonligimacy of the Yeltsin presidency.

Hoping for a miracle

Recall that in the elections of the President of Russia in 1996, the struggle broke out between the two candidates - Boris Yeltsin and Gennady Zyuganov. If in the first round, according to official data, the separation of Yeltsin from Zyuganov was small - 35.28% and 32.03%, then in the second, which is more convincing - 53.82% against 40.31%.

But even at the beginning of the year, in the rating of the popularity of candidates for the presidency, Yeltsin was only on 7th place: from the leader Zyuganov, it was separated by a unthinkable 25%! Few people then believed in the likelihood of victory of the current president, but in a matter of weeks before the vote, the situation changed sharply - Yeltsin's rating suddenly crawled up.

However, this was not enough for victory in the elections, which was confirmed by the first round. Even on the eve of the second round, based on surveys, Yeltsin at least there was no advantage over the leader of the Communists. That is the earliest final result of the presidential race.

Many then laughed in the honesty of elections. Unsigned to the notorious administrative resource, dirty work of political technologists, fraud with bulletins and even on interference in the election campaign of Americans. So what is the secret of the "Yeltsin Miracle"?

Art manipulation

The fact that the main term of the success of Yeltsin in the elections is the use of political technologies by one of their first, Alexander Oslon, who worked as part of the analytical group of the pre-election headquarters of the first president of Russia. The months of work on the image of Boris Nikolayevich and the impact on the electorate under the slogan of "preventing the communist restoration" were fruit.

Soon after the elections, the Etchabe Pavlovsky's Effective Policy Fund, who collaborated with the headquarters of Yeltsin, published a report "President in 1996: Scenarios and Victory Technologies", which, according to the "independent newspaper", "reveals the ingenious technology to manipulate the public opinion and the original mechanism of political and ideological Ahead of competitors. "

The main analyst of the NTV channel Vsevolod Wilchek recognized that Russian television actively used the technology of manipulation of consciousness in favor of Yeltsin. In particular, the focus was made to show films like the "cold summer of fifty-thirds", which could create an anxiety atmosphere and inspire people the need to come to choose a candidate. Spectators did not even notice that during the election campaign from television screens, nostalgic Soviet films disappeared.

America will help us

"We considered extremely important that Yeltsin won in 1996. It was a classic case when the goal justifies the funds, and we achieved our result, "Tomas Graham said, in the election period, who worked as the main political analyst of the US Embassy in Moscow. A serious statement indicating that the Americans at least were going to influence the outcome of the Russian elections.

There are a number of facts confirming Graham's words. For example, a service note from the White House, published by The Washington Times in March 1996. It was about the intention of Yeltsin and Clinton to provide each other support in the process of re-election, and the words of Boris Nikolayevich were also quoted there, who called on the American president "to think about how to do it smart." [C-Block]

And Clinton did not fail. On the eve of the election, the White House was insisted for the provision of the IMF loan, and he himself organized a generous financial assistance to Chubais, who led the Yeltsin headquarters. According to various estimates, a total of 100 million to 1 billion dollars was spent on the election campaign of Yeltsin (while ledming the election budget of a candidate of 2.9 million dollars), a weighty part of these funds came from behind the ocean.

Victory "With the Short"

Despite the fact that those present in the elections observers from the OSCE, the European Parliament and the Council of Europe recognized them with "free, impartial and fair", a number of experts declare that these persons were interested in the victory of Yeltsin and could well cover their eyes to minor violations.

Leader of the LDPR Vladimir Zhirinovsky, Vice-Speaker of the State Duma Love Sliska and other Russian politicians voiced the opinion that the true results of at least the first round were different. Viktor Ilyukhin, the Chairman of the State Security Committee stated that Zyuganov won in the first round, he followed the swan, and only in third place was Yeltsin, but none of them scored the necessary 50% plus one voice.

Russian sociologist Valentin Mikhailov conducted an independent statistical study of the results of the elections of 1996 elections and noted that the ratio of votes submitted for Yeltsin and Zyuganov in the first round will differ with similar indicators of the second round. As the norm of oscillations, Mikhailov took the range of votes from 0.9 to 1.5%. [C-Block]

As a result, the researcher came to the conclusion: there is a suspicion that at least 20 constituent entities of the Russian Federation were pressure or falsification of the voting results occurred. However, according to Mikhailov, no more than 900 thousand votes added in aggregate, which cannot question the result of the elections. However, Zyuganov stated that on the conclusion of the court only 600 thousand votes took place in Tatarstan.

Publisher Alexander Kireev, commenting on rumors about traveling the votes, draws attention to the fact that in those regions where the governors sympathized with Zyuganov would not allow falsifications in favor of Yeltsin. However, the facts of violations, he still confirms. In his opinion, with a pure calculation, the final victory of Yeltsin would be with a difference not at 13%, but in 10% of the votes.

It is impossible not to take into account the fact that Alexander Swan, Alexander Lebed, stated before the second round of His support of Yeltsin. Obviously, a large part of 14.5% of votes officially gained in the first round, Boris Nikolayevich moved. It was enough to incline the scales in favor of the first president of Russia.

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Election of the President of Russia It was appointed on June 16, 1996 in accordance with the transitional provisions of the Constitution of Russia and in connection with the expiration of the term of office of the President of Russia B. N. Yeltsin, elected in 1991 by the President of Russia (RSFSR). The only, for 2009, presidential elections in Russia, where two rounds needed to determine the winner. The elections were held on June 16 and July 3, 1996 and was distinguished by the acute political struggle between candidates.

The main competitors were the current President of Russia B. N. Yeltsin and the leader of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation G. A. Zyuganov. According to the results of the second round, B. Yeltsin scored more than 50 percent of the votes and was re-elected for a second term.

The situation before the election and the beginning of the election campaign

The elections were appointed by the decision of the Council of the Federation in December 1995, a few days before the completion of the elections to the State Duma of the second convocation. According to the results of elections to the State Duma, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (22 percent), the second - LDPR (12 percent), and the President "Our House - Russia" movement, supported by the president (10 percent), was published. By that time, the President of Russia Yeltsin lost his own popularity due to the failures of economic reforms, dips during the Chechen war and corruption scandals in their surroundings, the ratings showed its popularity at the level of 3-6 and percent.

Closer to the new year, Yeltsin's subscription campaigns started, then and other candidates. The law that actually demanded to collect in support of each candidate a million signatures, but allowed to collect signatures in support of the candidate without his consent. In support of Yeltsin, about 10 initiative groups were formed. Yeltsin did not give any consent to the nomination for a long time, announced his positive decision only on February 15. On the same day, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation put forward his leader Zyuganov a candidate for the president of Russia. At the time of the nomination of both candidates, Zyuganov on the rating was significantly ahead of Yeltsin, but the gap between them was gradually reduced. Later, other candidates were prompted.

In early April, large-scale studies have been taken, engaged in both the population and mass social groups (gender, age-related, qualifications, professional, settlement, regional and electoral). Studies should have identified the basic "pain points", considered by the population as a whole and its individual groups as acute social problems. Based on the analysis of polls, the analytical group has taken the most important decisions.

The pre-election campaign developed by the pre-election campaign scenario soon began to give results, the Rating of Yeltsin began to grow. At the same time, the Oson notes that after the elections and the termination of the "giant election flow of information aimed at society" by the end of 1996, public opinion polls again demonstrated mass irritation by power. After default in August 1998, and before the autumn of 1999, surveys, according to Oslon, showed "hopelessness."

Registered candidates

A member of the election headquarters of Yeltsin A. Oson recalled that they fully controlled television. Thus, the president of the NTV television company Igor Malashenko, head of VGTRK, Eduard Sagalaev, was the head of VGTRK Eduard Sagalaev, the head of VGTRK, Eduard Sagalaev, was included in the public committee of support for President Yeltsin.

On April 27, 1996, the newspapers were published by the appeal of the Thirteen leading Russian businessmen, including B. A. Berezovsky, V. A. Gusinsky, V. O. Potanin, A. P. Smolensky, M. M. Friedman, M. B. Khodorkovsky. The letter was completed by a warning: "Domestic entrepreneurs have the necessary resources and will to influence too unprincipled and too uncompromising politicians." Two weeks after the appearance of the letter, Zyuganov decided to answer the appeal, proposing to hold a detection with Yeltsin. Yeltsin refused the discussion.

The first round of elections on June 16, 1996

In the elections of the President of Russia, on June 16, despite the height of the summer, the Russians showed high activity. The elections were attended by more than 75.7 million Russians, which amounted to 69.81 percent of the number of voters on the lists. More than 800 thousand voters voted on abnormal identities.

According to the results of the first round, the current President of Russia Yeltsin showed the best result, receiving 26.6 million votes, which was 35.28 percent. Zyuganov received 24.2 million votes, which amounted to 32.03 percent, slightly leaving Yeltsin. The main surprise was the third place A. I. Lebed, who received support for 10.7 million voters, which amounted to 14.52 percent. The former President of the USSR M. S. Gorbachev suffered a serious defeat, having received only 386 thousand votes, which amounted to 0.51 percent. Yeltsin and Zyuganov came to the second round.

Yeltsin supported mainly the population of Moscow and St. Petersburg, large industrial cities, north of Russia, Siberia, the Far East, some national republics as well as Russians living abroad. Zyuganov supported mainly residents of depressive rural regions of Central Russia, Chernozem, Volga region and some republics of the North Caucasus.

• Yeltsin Boris Nikolaevich - 26665495 votes (35.28%)
• Zyuganov Gennady Andreevich - 24211686 votes (32.03%)
• Lebed Alexander Ivanovich - 10974736 votes (14.52%)
• Yavlinsky Grigory Alekseevich - 5550752 votes (7.34%)
• Zhirinovsky Vladimir Wolfovich - 4311479 votes (5.70%)
• Fedorov Svyatoslav Nikolaevich - 699158 votes (0.92%)
• Gorbachev Mikhail Sergeevich - 38,6069 votes (0.51%)
• Shakkum Martin Lucianovich - 277068 votes (0.37%)
• Vlasov Yuri Petrovich - 151282 votes (0.20%)
• Brysttsalov Vladimir Alekseevich - 123065 votes (0.16%)
• Tuleev Aman-Gelda Moldagazievich (he was included in the ballot for early voting, subsequently removed his candidacy) - 308 votes (0.00%)
• Against all candidates - 1163921 votes (1.54%)

The day after the announcement of the results of the first round of elections, the license was withdrawn from Tveriniversalbank. The Board of the Bank headed Nikolai Ryzhkov, close to Gennady Zyuganov.

The second round of elections July 3, 1996

After determining the results of the first round of voting, the Central Election Commission of the Russian Federation appointed the second round of voting on Wednesday, July 3, the Russian government announced this day weekend. Yeltsin and Zyuganov were included in the re-voting newsletter. So an unusual choice of voting day is explained by the desire to increase voter activity.

After the first round of voting, the situation extremely aggravated: supporters of the current power and opponents of communists who do not want to restores the Soviet authorities, united around B. N. Yeltsin, supporters of the Communists and opponents of the current power - around G. A. Zyuganov. In the forecasts of political scientists, Yeltsin was preferred, but it was noted that he had a high chance of election at the high turnover of voters. It was believed that the potential supporters of Yeltsin are more, but they are less politically active, while the potential supporters of Zyuganov are less, but they are more disciplined and politically active.

A few days after the first round of elections, Yeltsin announced the appointment of A. I. Swan the secretary of the Security Council, after which A. I. Swan appeared next to B. N. Yeltsin in front of the TV charts, actually supporting it before the second round. At about the same days, an incident was an incident with the arrest of Polittechnologists Yeltsin - S. F. F. Lisovsky and A. Evstafieva at the exit of a white house with a box from a photocopy paper, in which there were 500 thousand dollars. A few days later, Yeltsin made personnel permutations in the Russian government, who dismissed the Deputy Chairman of the Government of Russia O. N. Soskovka, Minister of Defense P. S. Gracheva, director of the FSB M. I. Barsukov, as well as the head of the Security Service of the President A. V. Korzhakov.

According to the election results, the current President of Russia Yeltsin received 40.2 million votes (53.82 percent, significantly ahead of Zyuganov, which received 30.1 million votes (40.31 percent). 3.6 million Russians (4.82 percent) voted against Both candidates. Yeltsin managed to increase the groove or reduce the lag from Zyuganov in all regions without exception.

According to the results of the second round of elections, the current President of Russia Yeltsin won and was re-elected for a second term.

A place	Candidate	Number of votes	%
1	Yeltsin Boris Nikolaevich	40 402 349	53,82 %
2	Zyuganov Gennady Andreevich	30 104 589	40,31 %
	Against all candidates	3 603 760	4,82 %
	Invalted bulletins		1,05 %

According to some reports, in the elections of the President of the Russian Federation in 1996, Zyuganov won

As subsequently, the chief analyst of the NTV television channel was confessed, television actively used the technology of manipulation of consciousness in favor of Yeltsin:

During the second round of the 1996 voting tour, all election commissions were shocked - no one went to polling stations until 11-12 hours.<...> And it was explained very simple. On television, they knew that the first to the polling stations usually go retirees. It is in the morning hours at polling stations, a homogeneous pensioner microenvironment is created, and they all vote equally. For example, for Zyuganov. As soon as the intelligentsia, youth and generally a more advanced audience, who gets up later and is not so hurrying to polling stations, as the situation is discharged. We specifically pointed out and found out that even the most fundamental veterans in such an atmosphere began to doubt that it was necessary to vote for Zyuganov.

It was impossible to create such a homogeneous environment of representatives of the older generation. What decision could be taken in such a situation? Three series "Secret Tropican" were put in the grid. It was announced that these are the last, final series. As a result, firstly, very many did not go to the cottages, and it was very important because almost everyone knew that the more the people would come to polling stations, the more chances of Yeltsin.

Secondly, the homogeneity of the mass of pensioners was blurred. They came later, along with other groups of the population, and, accordingly, many of them voted not as they intended before. Here is an example of manipulation only with appropriate programming programs. Of course, with the help of the display of certain films, an anxiety atmosphere could be created in society: for example, showing the "cold summer of the 53rd", "Sedov Defender" and removing optimistic tapes from the ether. In the period of elections, it was just on television and nearly Nostalgic domestic cinema. That is, the atmosphere was all created due to the ether.

Sources

Links

• As Boris Yeltsin was chosen: Interviews V. Nikonov, who headed the press service of the election headquarters B. Yeltsin, and the city of Zyuganov "Moscow news" from 06.07.2006.
• T. Zamyatina "I'm tired of different baeks!" - Zyuganov // Moscow News.
• Russian Roulette - 96 (Interview: Alexander Korzhakov, Sergey Zverev, Sergey Lisovsky)

Video

• The plot in the program by A. Karaulova "Moment of Truth."

President of Russian Federation
Presidents	Boris Yeltsin ¹ (1991-1999) Vladimir Putin (2000-2008) Dmitry Medvedev (from 2008)

"Lenta.ru" continues the cycle of an interview about the recent past of our country. Following the restructuring, we remember the key events and phenomena of the 90s - the era of the Board of Boris Yeltsin. Candidate of geographical sciences, the creator of the analytical group "Mercator" Dmitry Oreshkin told us, where and why in 1996 in Russia, the results of the elections of the head of state were listed in Russia.

Now a peculiar consensus has almost been established in society, according to which the 1996 presidential elections were fully falsified in favor of Yeltsin. But was it really possible?

This assessment is very characteristic. The real 90s subseasses, in their place the myth is designed, part of Russia, which is listed in the legend about Russia, rising from the knees. It was bad, Putin came - it became good. So the Bolsheviks demonized the horrors of the pre-revolutionary past, they say, thanks to the revolution, collectivization and industrialization to live better and more fun. The myth always simplifies the picture of the world.

Of course, the ideal presidential election in 1996 can not be called. There were also falsification. Despite this, they were more competitive and more honest than the current one.

Tatarstan uqual metamorphosis

Photo: Gregory Sobchenko / Kommersant

Why? Scale of falsification other?

The point is not even on the scale (although it, of course, is incommensurable with churovsky elections), but in their direction. In the nineties it could not be a speech about the unitary administrative resource of the Kremlin. The results of the voting largely depended on the sentiments (including the readiness to falsify) regional elites and the skills of Moscow to get along with them.

In the early 1990s, the head of Tatarstan Mintimer Shaimiev was hardly traded with a weaker Moscow, demanding more power. At the first presidential election in June 1991, two bulletins were to voters in this republic: with candidates for the presidency of Tatarstan and the President of Russia. The routine plot - a person is registered, receives two bulletins of different colors and decides in the cabin, who wishes to see the head of Tatarstan, and who is all Russia.

The famous researcher Valentin Mikhailov was not lazy to compare the results. They are paradoxical. In rural areas of the republic, the average turnout of voters in the elections of the President of Tatarstan then amounted to 84 percent, and in the elections of the Russian president - only 30 percent. It was simply achieved: the election commissions "forgot" to give out the second bulletin and did it only after reminding the voter.

As can be seen, active and conscious voters in the Tatarstan village as of June 1991 turned out to be less than a third. It is interesting and important that in the cities of Tatarstan, the gap in the appearance of a vote for two presidents was significantly less, from three to nine percent. In cities, the voter is not so dependent and obedient, and the members of the election commissions too.

At the federal elections to the 1993 State Duma, the turnout in Tatarstan amounted to 13.4 percent. Shaimiev directly explained it by the unresolvedness of bilateral relations between Moscow and Kazan. Yeltsin had to be given in, and at the Duma election of 1995, Tatarstan has already shown the turnout about 60 percent.

What does it say about?

Regional elites (Tatarstan is only one of many examples) quickly cut down that administrative manipulations with elections are an excellent means of pressure, bargaining and dialogue with the federal center. Even this suggests that the results of the voting were strongly depended not so much from the moods of the voter, but from the interests of the local leadership. And on the village, this dependence was stronger than in cities.

Dagestan "Swing"

So was there anyway?

Not. This is mainly related to the national republics of the North Caucasus, the Volga region and Southern Siberia, some autonomous districts, as well as several Russian regions south of Moscow, which received the name "Red Welcome" in the early 1990s. It is important to understand: the digital outcome of the election is always a certain alloy of the will of voters and the will of the local administrative resource. If the volitional of the voter prevails in the urbanized and Europeanized regions in the alloy, then on the periphery (especially the republican and especially rural) - the will of the local authorities.

In the first round of the presidential election of 1996, the leaders of a generalized periphery, soul and body belonging to the old party elite, used their administrative (including the falsification) resource against Yeltsin, for the opposing Zyuganov. They were sacred convinced that Moscow was filled with "Dry Democratic", which must be stopped at any cost. Zyuganov seemed to them by the personification of old good times when they were secretaries of the regional district committees, and life at the same time with his career - straight and bright. Many voters also thought so, but in the regions with very high electoral handling, they were especially not asked.

In the first round of elections of 1996 in 60 territorial (district) election commissions (TIK), an integral appearance of 90 percent and more was recorded. 25 such Tick turned out to be in Bashkortostan, 24 - in Tatarstan (naturally, in the village). In 35 of them, Zyuganov ahead of Yeltsin with a margin of more than 15 percent. It is clear that there was no place without the help of local leadership.

For the sake of fairness, it is necessary to make a reservation that among 20-25 top controlled in the electoral sense of regions, in four of them the authorities (together with their falsification resource), as fiercely played for Yeltsin in the first round. It is Ingushetia, Kalmykia, Tuva, Chechnya, as well as the Agian Buryat Autonomous District. The reason is obvious - there the power has already moved to young leaders like Auschev, Ilyumzhinov and (partly) Shoigu, whose career was directly depended on the conservation of reformers in the Kremlin. However, it should be borne in mind that the electoral weight of these territories is negligible - he is ten times less than Dagestan, Tatarstan or Bashkiria.

Is there really not enough voters from ordinary voters?

In these 20-25 regions - yes. Therefore, the statement that the 1996 elections were falsified, only partly only. If in Kalmykia in the first round rudely flies in favor of Yeltsin, then in neighboring Dagestan - still rougher in favor of Zyuganov.

Why are you so sure that there were falsifications?

It is difficult for me to force myself to believe that a year after the war in Chechnya, 65 percent honestly voted in this republic. Or take Dagestan - in the first round, 63 percent voted for Zyuganov (naturally, mainly at the expense of rural territories), and for Yeltsin - only 28 percent, and mainly due to the "Russian" cities: Buynaksk and Caspian. After two weeks, in the second round, the result was incredibly changed - Yeltsin rose from 28 percent to 53, and Zyuganov fell from 63 percent to 44.

Let me not believe that the inhabitants of Dagestan during these two weeks so radically changed their sympathies, but with the local bosses, which realized that in the first round it was not on that horse, it could even happen. Realizing this, Dagestan authorities before the second round rushed to correct the mistakes made and demonstrate loyalty to the obvious winner when it was not too necessary.

Why did they understand in the Dagestan leadership that they were not on that candidate?

According to the results of the first round, Yeltsin, as a whole, scored 35 percent in the country, and Zyuganov, despite the desperate assistance to the old regional nomenclature, is only 32 percent. Three sedes followed by candidates - Swan, Yavlinsky and Zhirinovsky - were demonstrative anti-communists, whose total electorate exceeded 27 percent.

Inscription on the doors in support of the leader of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation "For Zyuganov" in the period of the 1996 presidential election

Photo: Yuri Zaritovsky / RIA Novosti

It was extremely obvious that most of him in the second round will go to Yeltsin. Zyuganov reached its electoral limit, he was simply nowhere to take additional voices. It is not necessary to guess a big mind. Therefore, the similar floo "wonders" between the tours also happened in Tatarstan, Bashkortostan and some other overall regions, where the leadership in the first round secretly or clearly played Zyuganov, and in the second - Yeltsin.

The subtlety is that the public critics of the 1996 election critics usually take examples of falsification in favor of Yeltsin in the second round, when he was not very needed (Yeltsin won and without him, simply the regional authorities hurried to demonstrate his zeal). All these accusers forget about a much more critical first round, when the same falsification from the hands of the same regional bosses worked rather on Zyuganov.

Cities against republics

The first round identified a very interesting tendency - those territories where the urban population prevailed, voted more actively for Yeltsin. In the ten largest Russian megalopolis, Yeltsin received 52 percent in the first round, and Zyuganov were only 18. If you take a hundred of the largest cities in the country, the difference will become not so striking, but still obvious: 43 percent for Yeltsin, 23 for Zyuganov. Nothing amazing, Russia is a country of cities, three-quarters of our population are considered citizens.

Is there really no falsification in cities?

In major cities, another sociocultural background, above the level of education, independence and political independence of citizens. In the 90s, when the city voter was active, they were much harder to falsify the results. "Carousels", lots of bulletins, "continuous production cycle", sidom-name voting - all these sophisticated zhulnic technologies have appeared in times of churov. At the same time, they were over the easiest way to distort the results of the voting - primitive rewriting of the protocols ("Night Falsification"). The peripheral region, the easier it was to rewrite - and the observers are less, and the population is more dependent.

In 1995, in the same Tatarstan, in order to prevent the victory of the communist Alexander Salia in the local election, 17 percent of the ballots submitted for him did "invalid." It's easy: when counting, a checkbox is put in one anywhere else, and for such a bulletin it is no longer possible to definitely establish the will of the voter. If I'm not mistaken, this record in the number of invalid bulletins in Russia does not break until now.

It is important to understand that Tatarstan methods do not pass (at least not passed then) in Yekaterinburg, Perm, Nizhny Novgorod, Samara and other major cities. In the over-controlled periphery (mainly republican and village) authorities could draw what they wanted: in the first round one, in the second - the other. In total, with a sufficiently high activity of independent voters in the cities and the remaining 60-65 regions, the integral contribution of falsification technically could hardly exceed 10 percent.

In the first round, its most part (it can be considered as an integral "voice" of the peripheral elites) went to Zyuganov, and in the second - approximately equally or with a roll in favor of Yeltsin.

Channel boxes

Was it an honest victory?

I think if you could remove the "contribution" of the regional authorities, in the first round, Zyuganov would have been 3-5 percent less (approximately 27-29 percent), and Yeltsin, respectively, more (about 38-40 percent). In the second round, on the contrary: Yeltsin is 49-51 percent (with official 54 percent) in Zyuganov, 43-45 percent with official 40 percent.

The case is thin - I do not assume to say that, for example, the Luzhkovsky team did not falsify anything in Moscow, especially if you recall what disgrace it did in the metropolitan elections in Putin's time, but the scale of possible assignments in the capital do not go to any comparison with Tatarstan or Dagestan. In Moscow, St. Petersburg, Yekaterinburg, Nizhny Novgorod, the majority of the majority were really configured if it's not right a mountain for Yeltsin, it certainly against Zyuganov.

I can say one thing - the scale of the scams in the elections of the 90s does not go to any comparison with what we see now. In addition to the invaluable contribution of Vladimir Evgenievich Churova, the regional establishment is now built on a string, and the entire peripheral falsification goes strictly into one basket, with numbers systematically exceeding 90 percent. In 1996, he diverged on different baskets, and his total volume was less: the result for 80 percent looked like an exception and kind of bad tone.

For example, in the presidential election of 2012, the Chechen Republic proudly showed 99.8 percent for Putin at the turnout of 99.6 percent, and in 1996, in the first round of Yeltsin, there were 65 percent at the turn of 73 percent. In both cases, the numbers probably contain some share of the sembos. Then it was limited in space (20-25 regions) with a phenomenon and was considered shameful, and now it became almost ubiquitous and almost the subject of regional pride.

But did the media then did not fulfill the same role as now? Did they not be agitated for Yeltsin?

It was, of course. They produced a newspaper "Do not give God!", Zyuganov on federal TV channels drove as Sidorov Google. But no one occurred to the right to deprive him of the right to the legal ether, to take off his video from the screen, arrest the circulation of leaflets or party newspaper, especially to deprive the rights of nominations of their candidates, to remove from registration, to put in Kutuzka, to beat.

Then political technologists in the modern sense of this word almost did not have, there were very few PR agencies. Those that were sometimes worked for two fronts: advertising materials for the headquarters of Yeltsin were made by one hand, another (under a different brand) for the Zyuganov team. And with that, and on the other hand, the payment went with cash, and the professionals knew perfectly well that the costs of Zyuganov residents to the cost of Yeltsintsev treated approximately three to four.

There was a cruel, but in his own way, an honest fight, in which more cunning and flexible capitalists, with the help of new technologies, the Soviet partner acting on the old fashioned advantage. Zyuganov himself understood this well, and therefore then found courage to congratulate Yeltsin with a victory. Now another time, and in response to the question "Who then won?" Gennady Andreevich with a mysterious view is silent or starts at the rolling rails in the extentant reasoning about the "Lichy 90s".